1.That sex ratio will be favored which maximizes the numberof descendants an individual will have and hence the number of genecopies transmitted.
那種性別比例能在最大程度上增加一個(gè)個(gè)體所能擁有的后代數(shù)量，并因此能在最大程度上增加所傳遞到后代身上去的基因復(fù)制品的數(shù)量。 2.Hardy’s weakness derived from his apparent inability to controlthe comings and goings of these divergent impulses and from hisunwillingness to cultivate and sustain the energetic and risky ones.
哈代的缺陷一方面緣起于他的某種明顯的無能，無法控制好那結(jié)不盡相同的創(chuàng)作沖動(dòng)的穿梭往來;另一方面緣起于他不愿意去培養(yǎng)和維持那些富于生機(jī)活力和風(fēng)險(xiǎn)性強(qiáng)的創(chuàng)作沖動(dòng)。
3.Virginia Woolf’s provocative statement about her intentions inwriting Mrs. Dalloway has regularly been ignored by the critics，sinceit highlights an aspect of her literary interests very different fromthe traditional picture of the "poetic" novelist concerned withexamining states of reverie and vision and with following the intricatepathways of individual consciousness.
弗吉尼亞.伍爾夫(VirginiaWoolf)在創(chuàng)作《黛洛維夫人》(Mrs.Dalloway)時(shí)有關(guān)其創(chuàng)作意圖的這番發(fā)人深思的陳述，迄今為止一貫為文學(xué)評(píng)論家們所忽略，因?yàn)樗怀龇从沉怂T多文學(xué)興趣中某一方面，而這一方面則與人們對(duì)“詩(shī)性”小說家(poeticnovelist)所形成的傳統(tǒng)見解大相徑庭。所謂的“詩(shī)性”小說家，所關(guān)注的是審視想入非非和白日夢(mèng)幻的諸般狀態(tài)，并致力于追尋個(gè)體意識(shí)的通幽曲徑。
4.Although Gutman admits that forced separation by sale wasfrequent，he shows that the slaves’ preference，revealed most clearly onplantations where sale was infrequent，was very much for stablemonogamy.
雖然古特曼承認(rèn)，由于奴隸買賣而造成的被迫離散甚為頻繁，但他還是證明，奴隸的偏愛——在那些奴隸買賣并不頻繁的種植園上被最為顯著地揭示出來——在很大程度上側(cè)重于穩(wěn)定的一夫一妻制。
5.Gutman argues convincingly that the stability of the Blackfamily encouraged the transmission of-and so was crucial insustaining-the Black heritage of folklore，music，and religiousexpression from one generation to another，a heritage that slaves werecontinually fashioning out of their African and American experiences.
古特曼人令人信服地論辨道，黑人家庭的穩(wěn)定有助于包括民間傳說、音樂、及宗教表達(dá)在內(nèi)的黑人文化遺產(chǎn)一代一代傳遞下去，因而在維持文化遺產(chǎn)方面也起著至關(guān)重要的作用，而對(duì)于這種文化遺產(chǎn)，黑奴們不斷地從其非洲和美洲的經(jīng)歷中予以豐富發(fā)展。
6.This preference for exogamy，Gutman suggests， may have derivedfrom West African rules governing marriage，which，though they differedfrom one tribal group to another，all involved some kind of prohibitionagainst union s with close kin. 古特曼表示，這種對(duì)于外部通婚的偏愛很有可能緣起于西部非洲制約著婚姻的規(guī)定，盡管這些規(guī)定在一個(gè)和另一個(gè)部落群體之間不盡相同，但都涉及到某種對(duì)近親聯(lián)姻(union with close kin)的禁止。
7.His thesis works relatively well when applied to discriminationagainst Blacks in the United States，but his definition of racialprejudice as "racially-based negative prejudgments against a groupgenerally accepted as a race in any given region of ethniccompetition，" can be interpreted as also including hostility towardsuch ethnic groups as the Chinese in California and the Jews inmedieval Europe.
該社會(huì)學(xué)家的命題當(dāng)被應(yīng)用于針對(duì)美國(guó)黑人的歧視時(shí)，相對(duì)而言尚能適用，但他對(duì)種族偏見所下的定義——即“以種族為基礎(chǔ)的、針對(duì)某個(gè)群體的消級(jí)的先入之見，而該群體在任何特定的種族競(jìng)爭(zhēng)地區(qū)則被普遍認(rèn)作一種族”——可被理解成同樣也襄括了針對(duì)加利福尼亞州的中國(guó)人以及中世紀(jì)的猶太人這樣一些種族群體的敵視態(tài)度。
8.In large part as a consequence of the feministmovement，historians have focused a great deal of attention in recentyears on determining more accurately the status of women in variousperiods.
在很大程度上，由于女權(quán)主義運(yùn)動(dòng)(feminist movement)的緣故，史學(xué)家近年來匯聚了大量的注意力，來更為準(zhǔn)確地確定婦女在各個(gè)歷史時(shí)期的地位。
11.Thus，for instance，it may come as a shock to mathematicians to learnthat the Schrodinger equation for the hydrogen atom is not a literallycorrect description of this atom，but only an approximation to asomewhat more correct equation taking account of spin，magneticdipole，and relativistic effects;and that this corrected equation isitself only an imperfect approximation to an infinite set of quantumfield-theoretical equations.
因此，舉例來說，對(duì)數(shù)學(xué)家而言，了解到下述情形可能會(huì)令其驚愕不已，即薛定諤(Schrodinger)的氫原子方程式并非是對(duì)該原子作出的一種絕然正確的描述，而僅僅是個(gè)近似值，趨近于一個(gè)在某種程度上更為正確的將自旋、磁性偶極子、以及相對(duì)論效應(yīng)考慮在內(nèi)的方程式;而這個(gè)得以糾正的方程式就其本身而言也只是一個(gè)不完美的近似值，趨近于無窮無盡的一整套量子場(chǎng)論方程式。
12.The physicist rightly dreads precise argument，since an argumentthat is convincing only if it is precise loses all its force if theassumptions on which it is based are slightly changed，whereas anargument that is convincing though imprecise may well be stable undersmall perturbations of its underlying assumptions.
物理學(xué)家恐懼于那些精確無誤的論據(jù)不無道理，因?yàn)槟撤N只有在它是精確無誤的條件下才令人置信的論據(jù)，一旦它賴于建立其上的假設(shè)稍有變化，便會(huì)失去它一部的作用;而與此相反，一個(gè)盡管并不精確無誤但卻令人置信的論據(jù)，在其基本假設(shè)(underlyingassumption)稍微受干擾的情況下，仍然有可能是站得住腳的。
13.However，as they gained cohesion，the Bluestockings came toregard themselves as a women’s group and to possess a sense of femalesolidarity lacking in the salonnieres，who remained isolated from oneanother by the primacy each held in her own salon.
起初，藍(lán)襪女們確實(shí)模仿了法國(guó)沙龍女主人，將男性襄括到其小圈子中來。然則，隨著她們獲得的凝聚力，她們漸趨將自己視作一女性團(tuán)體，并擁有了一種婦女團(tuán)結(jié)意識(shí)，而這種意識(shí)在法國(guó)沙龍女主人身上則蕩然無存，因?yàn)樗齻兠總€(gè)人在其自己的沙龍中自視甚高而彼此孤立隔絕開來。
14.As my own studies have advanced，I have been increasinglyimpressed with the functional similarities between insect andvertebrate societies and less so with the structural differences thatseem，at first glance，to constitute such an immense gulf between them.
隨著我的研究不斷深入，我對(duì)昆蟲和脊椎動(dòng)物群落之間的功能類似性印象愈來愈深刻，而對(duì)結(jié)構(gòu)上的差異印象愈發(fā)淡漠，雖然這些結(jié)構(gòu)上的差異初看上去似乎構(gòu)成了二者間一條無法愈越的鴻溝。
15. Although fiction assuredly springs from politicalcircumstances，its authors react to those circumstances in ways otherthan ideological，and talking about novels and stories primarily asinstruments of ideology circumvents much of the fictional enterprise.
雖然小說無疑起源于政治情狀，但其作者則是以非意識(shí)形態(tài)的方式對(duì)這些政治情狀作出反應(yīng)的，而將小說和故事主要地當(dāng)作意識(shí)形態(tài)的工具來探討，會(huì)在相當(dāng)程度上阻礙小說事業(yè)。
16.Is this a defect，or are the authors working out of，or trying toforge，a different kind of aesthetic?這究竟是一種缺陷呢，或者是否表明，這些作者是在按照一種與眾不同的美學(xué)體系進(jìn)行創(chuàng)作，抑或是在試圖創(chuàng)立一種與眾不同的美學(xué)體系? 17.Black Fiction surveys a wide variety of novels，bringing to ourattention in the process some fascinating and little-known works likeJames Weldon Johnson’s Autobiography of an Ex- Colored Man.
《黑人小說》考察了極為廣泛的一系列小說，在此過程中讓我們注意到了某些引人入勝但卻鮮為人知的作品，如詹姆斯。韋爾登。約翰遜(James WeldonJohnson)的《一個(gè)曾經(jīng)是有色人的自傳》(Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man)。
18.Although these molecules allow radiation at visible wavelengths，where most of the energy of sunlight is concentrated，to passthrough，they absorb some of the longer-wavelength， infrared emissionsradiated from the Earth’s surface，radiation that would otherwise betransmitted back into space.
雖然這些分子允許可見波長(zhǎng)(visiblewavelength)的輻射——陽(yáng)光的絕大部分能量就匯集于此——不受阻擋地穿透，但它們卻會(huì)吸收某些較長(zhǎng)波長(zhǎng)(longer-wavelength)，亦即從地球表面輻射出的紅外發(fā)射(infraredcmission)，這種輻射若不是二氧化碳的緣故就會(huì)被重新輸送回太空。
19.The role those anthropologists ascribe to evolution is not ofdictating the details of human behavior but one of imposingconstraints—ways of feeling，thinking，and acting that "come naturally"in archetypal situations in any culture.
這些人類學(xué)家所歸諸于生物進(jìn)化的作用，不是規(guī)定人類行為的種種細(xì)節(jié)，而是將各種限制強(qiáng)加于人類——即在任何文化的典型情景中都會(huì)“自然表露”的情感、思維、以及行動(dòng)方式。
20.A low number of algal cells in the presence of a high number ofgrazers suggested，but did not prove， that the grazers had removed mostof the algae.
在存在大量食草動(dòng)物的同時(shí)卻只有少量的水藻花粉囊，這暗示出——但沒能證明——食草動(dòng)物已吞噬了大部分水藻。
21.Studies by Hargrave and Geen estimated natural community graz-ingrates by measuring feeding rates of individual zooplankton species inthe laboratory and then computing community grazing rates for fieldconditions using the known population density of grazers.
由哈格雷夫(Hargrave)和吉恩(Geen)所進(jìn)行的研究，對(duì)自然條件下的群落食草比例進(jìn)行了估計(jì)，其手段是通過測(cè)量出實(shí)驗(yàn)室內(nèi)單獨(dú)的浮游動(dòng)物種類的結(jié)食比例，然后利用已知的食草動(dòng)物種群密度，計(jì)算出實(shí)地狀況下的群落食草比例。
22.In the periods of peak zooplankton abundance，that is，in the latespring and in the summer， Haney recorded maximum daily com-munitygrazing rates，for nutrient-poor lakes and bog lakes，respectively，of 6.6percent and 114 percent of daily phytoplankton production.
在浮游動(dòng)物數(shù)量激增的高峰期，亦即在春季后期以及夏季，哈尼記錄了最大程度上的每日群落食草比率，對(duì)于營(yíng)養(yǎng)物不充足的湖和沼澤湖而言，分別為每日浮游植物繁殖量的6.6%和114%.
23.The hydrologic cycle，a major topic in this science，is thecomplete cycle of phenomena through which water passes，beginning asatmospheric water vapor，passing into liquid and solid form asprecipitation，thence along and into the ground surface，and finallyagain returning to the form of atmospheric water vapor by means ofevaporation and transpiration.
水文循環(huán)(hydrologiccycle)，作為該學(xué)科中的一個(gè)主要課題，指的是水所經(jīng)過的諸現(xiàn)象的整個(gè)循環(huán)過程，開始時(shí)是作為大氣中的水蒸氣，轉(zhuǎn)而作為雨、雪、露、雹一類的降水量經(jīng)過液體和固體形態(tài)，由此而沿著地層表面分布或進(jìn)入地層表面，最終通過蒸發(fā)和散發(fā)作用再度回復(fù)到大氣水蒸氣的形態(tài)。
24.The historian Frederick J. Turner wrote in the 1890’s that theagrarian discontent that had been developing steadily in the UnitedStates since about 1870 had been precipitated by the closing of theinternal frontier——that is，the depletion of available new land neededfor further expansion of the American farming system.
史學(xué)家弗雷德里克.杰.特納(FrederickJ.Turner)于十九世紀(jì)九十年代著述道，美國(guó)約自18世紀(jì)70年代以來一直在持續(xù)不斷發(fā)展的農(nóng)民不滿，由于國(guó)內(nèi)邊遠(yuǎn)地區(qū)(internalfrontier)的封閉而更趨加劇——亦即是說，美國(guó)農(nóng)業(yè)系統(tǒng)進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)展所必需的可資利用的新土地幾近耗竭。
25.In the early 1950’s，historians who studied preindustrial Europe(which we may define here as Europe in the period from roughly 1300 to1800) began， for the first time in large numbers，to investigate moreof the preindustrial European population than the 2 or 3 percent whocomprised the political and social elite：thekings，generals，judges，nobles，bishops，and local magnates who hadhitherto usually filled history books.
二十世紀(jì)五十年代早期，研究前工業(yè)化時(shí)代歐洲(此處我們可將其界定為約自1300年至1800年這一時(shí)期的歐洲)的史學(xué)家，首次以眾多的人數(shù)，開始調(diào)查前工業(yè)化時(shí)代歐洲人口中的大多數(shù)，而非那些構(gòu)成了政治與社會(huì)精英階層的百分之二或三的人口，即國(guó)王、將軍、法官、貴族、主教、以及地方上的達(dá)官顯貴，而正是這部分人一直到那時(shí)為止普遍充斥于史學(xué)著作。
26.Historians such as Le Roy Ladurie have used the documents toextract case histories， which have illuminated the attitudes ofdifferent social groups (these attitudes include，but are not confinedto，attitudes toward crime and the law)and have revealed how theauthorities administered justice.
象勒羅伊。拉迪里(Le Roy Ladurie)一類的史學(xué)家利用這些文獻(xiàn)史料從中挖掘出某些個(gè)案史(case history)來，闡明了不同社會(huì)群體的態(tài)度(這些態(tài)度包括，但并非局限于，對(duì)犯罪和法律的態(tài)度)，并揭示出當(dāng)局是如何執(zhí)行審判的。
27.My point is that its central consciousness—its profoundunderstanding of class and gender as shaping influences on people’slives—owes much to that earlier literary heritage，a heritage that，ingeneral，has not been sufficiently valued by most contemporary literarycritics.
我的論點(diǎn)是，其作品的中心意識(shí)——它將階級(jí)和性別作為人們生活的決定性影響而作出的深邃理解——在很大程度上借鑒了那個(gè)早期的文學(xué)遺產(chǎn)，而這一遺產(chǎn)就總體而言還尚未獲得大多數(shù)當(dāng)代文學(xué)評(píng)論家的足夠重視。
28.But achieving necessary matches in physical properties acrossinterfaces between living and nonliving matter requires knowledge ofwhich molecules control the bonding of cells to each other—an area thatwe have not yet explored thoroughly.
但是，要想沿著原生和非原生物質(zhì)之間的界面獲取生理特性的必要匹配，需要某種知識(shí)，即什么樣的分子控制著細(xì)胞彼此間的結(jié)合——而對(duì)這一領(lǐng)域，我們尚未進(jìn)行充分的探索。
29.Islamic law is a phenomenon so different from all other forms oflaw—notwithstanding，of course，a considerable and inevitable number ofcoincidences with one or the other of them as far as subject matter andpositive enactments are concerned—that its study is indispensable inorder to appreciate adequately the full range of possible legalphenomena.
伊斯蘭法是一種如此不同于所有其它法律形式的現(xiàn)象——毋庸置疑，盡管就其主要內(nèi)容和有積極意義的法規(guī)而言，與其它法律形式中的這種或那種形式存在著相當(dāng)數(shù)量的且不可避免的巧合相似之處——以致于對(duì)它進(jìn)行研究便顯得不可或缺，以便充分理解有可能存在的法律現(xiàn)象的全部范圍。
30.Though historically there is a discernible break between Jewishlaw of the sovereign state of ancient Israel and of the Diaspora (thedispersion of Jewish people after the conquest of Israel)， the spiritof the legal matter in later parts of the Old Testament is very closeto that of the Talmud， one of the primary codifications of Jewish lawin the Diaspora.
盡管從歷史角度來看，在古代以色列作為獨(dú)立主權(quán)國(guó)家的猶太教法與大流散時(shí)期(Diaspora，即以色列被征服后古代猶太人被巴比倫人逐出故土)的猶太教法之間存在著一個(gè)明晰可辨的斷裂，然則，《舊約全書》(OldTestament)后半部分中法律內(nèi)容的精神與《猶太教法典》(Talmud)極為一脈相承，而所謂的《猶太教法典》，是指大流散時(shí)期猶太教法的主要典籍輯錄之一。
31.Islam，on the other hand，represented a radical breakaway from theArab paganism that preceded it;Islamic law is the result of anexamination from a religious angle，of legal subject matter that was farfrom uniform，comprising as it did the various components of the laws ofpre-Islamic Arabia and numerous legal elements taken over from thenon-Arab peoples of the conquered territories.
另一方面，伊斯蘭教則代表著與此前存在的阿拉伯異教(Arabpaganism)的一種根本上的決裂;伊斯蘭法是從宗教的角度，對(duì)各種雜亂無章、絕無共同點(diǎn)的法律內(nèi)容進(jìn)行考察所致的結(jié)果，而這些法律內(nèi)容實(shí)際上是由前伊斯蘭阿拉伯國(guó)家(Pre-IslamicArabia)法律的不盡相同的組成部分以及由從被征服的土地上非阿拉伯民族借鑒過來的無數(shù)法律因素所構(gòu)成。
32.One such novel idea is that of inserting into the chromosomesof plants discrete genes that are not a part of the plants’ naturalconstitution：specifically，the idea of inserting into nonleguminousplants the genes，if they can be identified and isolated，that fit theleguminous plants to be hosts for nitrogen-fixing bacteria. Hence，theintensified research on legumes.
這其中的一個(gè)新穎思想就是，在植物的染色體(chromosome)內(nèi)注入并非是該植物自然構(gòu)造一個(gè)部分的那些不相關(guān)聯(lián)的因基：具體而言，這一思想是，在非豆科植物內(nèi)注入這樣一些基因，倘若這些基因可被辨識(shí)出來并被分離開來，而這些基因業(yè)已使豆科植物宜于充當(dāng)那些具備固氮作用的細(xì)菌的寄主。由此，對(duì)豆科植物的研究日趨深入。
33.It is one of nature’s great ironies that the availability ofnitrogen in the soil frequently sets an upper limit on plant growtheven though the plants’ leaves are bathed in a sea of nitrogen gas.
下述情形真可謂是自然界的一個(gè)莫大諷刺：土壤中所能獲得的氮肥量往往對(duì)植物的生長(zhǎng)構(gòu)成了一個(gè)上限，雖然植物的葉子被沐浴在一片氮?dú)獾暮Ｑ笾小?BR> 34.Unless they succeed，the yield gains of the Green Revolutionwill be largely lost even if the genes in legumes that equip thoseplants to enter into a symbiosis with nitrogen fixers are identifiedand isolated，and even if the transfer of those gene complexes，once theyare found， becomes possible.
除非他們能取得成功，不然的話，綠色革命的產(chǎn)量收益將在很大程度上損失殆盡，即使豆科植物中使這些植物有條件進(jìn)入到與固氮細(xì)菌共生關(guān)系的基因可被辨識(shí)出來和分離開來的話，且即使這些基因綜合體(gene complex)，一旦被發(fā)現(xiàn)之后，其移植得以成為可能的話。
35.Its subject(to use Maynard Mack’s categories)is"life-as-spectacle，" for readers， diverted by its variousincidents，observe its hero Odysseus primarily from without;the tragicIliad，however，presents "life-as-experience"：readers are asked toidentify with the mind of Achilles，whose motivations render him a notparticularly likable hero.
其主題〔若借鑒梅納德。邁克(MaynardMack)的兩個(gè)分類范疇的話〕是“人生作為外部景象”，因?yàn)樽x者的注意力被作品那形形色色的事件所分散，主要是從外部來觀察其主人公奧德修斯(Odyssus)的;然而，富于悲劇色彩的《伊利亞特》所表現(xiàn)的則是“人生作為內(nèi)心體驗(yàn)”：讀者被要求與阿基琉斯(Achilles)的心靈產(chǎn)生共鳴，而其行為動(dòng)機(jī)卻致使他變作一個(gè)并非特別惹人喜愛的主人公。
36.Most striking among the many asymmetries evident in an adultflatfish is eye placement： before maturity one eye migrates，so that inan adult flatfish both eyes are on the same side of the head. 在一條成年比目魚身上顯著存在的諸多不對(duì)稱(asymmetry)特征中，最為吸人注目的是眼睛的擺位：在成年之前，一只眼睛發(fā)生移動(dòng)，因此在成年比目魚身上，兩只眼睛均位于頭部的同一側(cè)面。
37.The best evidence for the layered-mantle thesis is thewell-established fact that volcanic rocks found on oceanicislands，islands believed to result from mantle plumes arising from thelower mantle，are composed of material fundamentally different from thatof the midocean ridge system， whose source，most geologists contend，isthe upper mantle.
對(duì)于地幔分層論點(diǎn)來說，最好的證據(jù)乃這樣一個(gè)確認(rèn)的事實(shí)，即在那些海洋島嶼——這些島嶼據(jù)信是源于由下層地幔升上來的地幔柱狀溶巖流(mantleplume)——上發(fā)現(xiàn)的火山巖石，是由與海洋中部山脊系統(tǒng)的物質(zhì)根本不同的物質(zhì)構(gòu)成的，而這一海洋中部山脊系統(tǒng)的成因，大多數(shù)地質(zhì)學(xué)家論辯道，為上部地幔。
38.Some geologists，however，on the basis of observations concerningmantle xenoliths， argue that the mantle is not layered，but thatheterogeneity is created by fluids rich in "incompatible elements"(elements tending toward liquid rather than solid state)percolatingupward and transforming portions of the uppermantle irregularly，according to the vagaries of the fluids’ pathways.
但是，某些地質(zhì)學(xué)家，以對(duì)地幔捕虜巖體(xenolith)所作的觀察為依據(jù)，指出地幔并非是分層排列的，相反，地幔的異質(zhì)性是由那些富含“不相容成分”的流質(zhì)構(gòu)成的，這些成分趨向于流體而非固體的狀態(tài)，自下而上滲透擴(kuò)散，并依照這些流質(zhì)流向的任意性，不規(guī)則地將上部地幔的某些部分予以改變。
39.The very richness and complexity of the meaningfulrelationships that kept presenting and rearranging themselves on alllevels，from abstract intelligence to profound dreamy feelings， made itdifficult for Proust to set them out coherently.
各種有意義的聯(lián)系在所有的層次上，自抽象的理性至深刻的夢(mèng)幻般的情感，層出不窮并不斷重新組合排列;正是這些有意義的聯(lián)系的豐富性和復(fù)雜性，致使普魯斯特難于將它們錯(cuò)落有致地安排好。
40.It is possible to make specific complementary DNA’s(cDNA’s)that can serve as molecular probes to seek out the messengerRNA’s (mRNA’s)of the peptide hormones. If brain cells are making thehormones，the cells will contain these Mrna’S. If the products the braincells make resemble the hormones but are not identical to them，then thecDNA’s should still bind to these mRNA’s，but should not bind astightly as they would to mRNA’s for the true hormones.
科學(xué)家可以制造出特異的(specific)互補(bǔ)DNA’s(cDNA’s)，以此作為分子探子(molecularprobe)，探覓出肽激素的信使RNA’s(mRNA’s)。如果大腦正在制造著肽激素，則細(xì)胞就會(huì)含有這些信使RNA’s.假若細(xì)胞所制造的產(chǎn)品類似于肽激素但并非與這些肽激素全然相同，那么，互補(bǔ)cDNA’s應(yīng)仍然和這些信使mDNA’s粘結(jié)的程度。含有這些mRNA’s的腦細(xì)胞然后就可以被分離開來，研究者可對(duì)其信使RNA’s 進(jìn)行解碼，以確定它們的蛋白質(zhì)產(chǎn)品究竟是什么，并確定這些蛋白質(zhì)產(chǎn)品在何種程度上類似于真正的肽激素。
41.The molecular approach to detecting peptide hormones using cDNAprobes should also be much faster than the immunological method becauseit can take years of tedious purifications to isolate peptide hormonesand then develop antiserums to them. 采用cDNA探子來測(cè)定肽激素的這一分子生物學(xué)方法同時(shí)也應(yīng)該比免疫學(xué)的方法速度來得快，因?yàn)閷?duì)于免疫的方法來說，需耗費(fèi)好幾年枯燥的提純進(jìn)程，方能將肽素分離了出來，然后再培養(yǎng)出針對(duì)它們的抗血清。
42.This succession was based primarily on a series of deposits andevents not directly related to glacial and interglacialperiods，rather than on the more usual modern method of studyingbiological remains found in interglacial beds themselvesinterstratified within glacial deposits.
這一序列演替(succession)所依據(jù)的，主要是一系列與冰川期和間冰期并不直接相關(guān)的地質(zhì)沉積物和地質(zhì)事件，而不是依據(jù)更為普遍的現(xiàn)代方法，去研究間冰層(interglacialbed)中所發(fā)現(xiàn)的生物殘留物，而這些間冰層本身又在冰川沉積物發(fā)生間層化(interstatified)。
43.There have been attempts to explain these taboos in terms ofinappropriate social relationships either between those who areinvolved and those who are not simultaneously involved in thesatisfaction of a bodily need，or between those already satiatedand those who appear to be shamelessly gorging.
人們?cè)噲D對(duì)這些禁忌作出解釋，所依據(jù)的要么是那些正置身于某一身體需要滿足的人與那些并置身于某一身體需要之滿足的人之間的，要么是那些早已酒足飯飽的人與那些正在不知羞恥地狼吞虎咽失之間的不相稱的社會(huì)關(guān)系。
44.Many critics of Family Bronte’s novel Wuthering Heights see itssecond part as a counterpoint that comments on，if it does notreverse，the first part，where a "romantic" reading receives moreconfirmation.
研究艾米麗。勃朗特(Emily Bronte)小說《呼嘯山莊》(WutheringHeights)的許多文學(xué)評(píng)論家，將小說的第二部分視作一種對(duì)比物，即使沒有將第一部分予以逆轉(zhuǎn)的話，也是在對(duì)第一部分作出一種詮釋評(píng)判，而在小說第一部分中，一種“浪漫的”的讀解能獲得更為充分的確證。
45.Granted that the presence of these elements need not argue anauthorial awareness of novelistic construction comparable to that ofHenry James， their presence does(15) encourage attempts to unify thenovel’s heterogeneous parts.
誠(chéng)然，這些因素的存在并不能證明作者對(duì)小說架構(gòu)的意識(shí)可與亨利。詹姆斯(Henry James)的那種意識(shí)相比擬;然則，任何力圖將小說所有形形色色的因素統(tǒng)一起來的做法，在某種程度上注定是無法令人信服的。