Passage 1
Prior to 1975， union efforts to organize public sectorclerical workers， most of whom are women， were somewhat limited. The factors favoring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers， as in New York City， to make it worth the effort， or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations， such as a hospital， to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the workers' part was also a consideration， but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction， the multioccupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the workers' initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based， first， on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers， and， second， on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power， both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where clerical workers were few in number， were scattered in several workplaces， and expressed no interest in being organized， unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.
But since the mid-1970's， a different strategy has emerged. In 1977， 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labor organization， compared with 46 percent of government professionals， 44 percent of government blue-collar workers， and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then， however， the biggest increases in public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977and 1980， the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent， while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular， the increase was 22 percent.
What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers？ First， more women have entered the work force in the past few years， and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently， they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also， the women's movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf， thereby producing a more positive attitude toward unions. The absence of any comparable increase in unionization among private-sector clerical workers， however， identifies the primary catalyst-the structural change in the multioccupational public-sector unions themselves. Over the past twenty years， the occupational distribution in these unions has been steadily shifting from predominantly blue-collar to predominantly white-collar. Because there are far more women in white-collar jobs， an increase in the proportion of female members has accompanied the occupational shift and has altered union policy-making in favor of organizing women and addressing women's issues.
1.According to the passage， the public-sector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 were
（A） professionals
（B） managers
（C） clerical workers
（D） service workers
（E） blue-collar workers
2.The author cites union efforts to achieve a fully unionized work force （line 13-19） in order to account for why
（A） politicians might try to oppose public-sector union organizing
（B） public-sector unions have recently focused on organizing women
（C） early organizing efforts often focused on areas where there were large numbers of workers
（D） union efforts with regard to public-sector clerical workers increased dramatically after 1975
（E） unions sometimes tried to organize workers regardless of the workers' initial interest in unionization
3. The author's claim that， since the mid-1970's， a new strategy has emerged in the unionization of public sector clerical workers would be strengthened if the author
（A） described more fully the attitudes of clerical workers toward labor unions
（B） compared the organizing strategies employed by private-sector unions with those of public-sector unions
（C） explained why politicians and administrator sometimes oppose unionization of clerical workers
（D） indicated that the number of unionized public-sector clerical workers was increasing even before the mid-1970's
（E） showed that the factors that favored unionization drives among these workers prior to 1975 have decreased in importance
4. According to the passage， in the period prior to 1975， each of the following considerations helped determine whether a union would attempt to organize a certain group of clerical workers EXCEPT
（A） the number of clerical workers in that group
（B） the number of women among the clerical workers in that group
（C） whether the clerical workers in that area were concentrated in one workplace or scattered over several workplaces
（D） the degree to which the clerical workers in that group were interested in unionization
（E） whether all the other workers in the same juries diction as that group of clerical workers were unionized
5. The author states that which of the following is a consequence of the women's movement of recent years？
（A） An increase in the number of women entering the work force
（B） A structural change in multioccupational public-sector unions
（C） A more positive attitude on the part of women toward unions
（D） An increase in the proportion of clerical workers that are women
（E） An increase in the number of women in administrative positions
6. The main concern of the passage is to
（A） advocate particular strategies for future efforts to organize certain workers into labor unions
（B） explain differences in the unionized proportions of various groups of public-sector workers
（C） evaluate the effectiveness of certain kinds of labor unions that represent public-sector workers
（D） analyzed and explain an increase in unionization among a certain category of workers
（E） describe and distinguish strategies appropriate to organizing different categories of workers
7. The author implies that if the increase in the number of women in the work force and the impact of the women's movement were the main causes of the rise in unionization of public-sector clerical workers， then
（A） more women would hold administrative positions in unions
（B） more women who hold political offices would have positive attitudes toward labor unions
（C） there would be an equivalent rise in unionization of private-sector clerical workers
（D） unions would have shown more interest than the have in organizing women
（E） the increase in the number of unionized public- sector clerical workers would have been greater than it has been
8. The author suggests that it would be disadvantageous to a union if
（A） many workers in the locality were not unionized
（B） the union contributed to political campaigns
（C） the union included only public-sector workers
（D） the union included workers from several jurisdictions
（E） the union included members from only a few occupations
9. The author implies that， in comparison with working women today， women working in the years prior to the mid-1970's showed a greater tendency to
（A） prefer smaller workplaces
（B） express a positive attitude toward labor unions
（C） maximize job security and economic benefits
（D） side with administrators in labor disputes
（E） quit working prior of retirement age
Passage 2
Between the eighth and eleventh centuries A.D.， the
Byzantine Empire staged an almost unparalleled
economic and cultural revival， a recovery that is all the
more striking because it followed a long period of severe
（5） internal decline. By the early eighth century， the empire
had lost roughly two-thirds of the territory it had
possessed in the year 600， and its remaining area was
being raided by Arabs and Bulgarians， who at times
threatened to take Constantinople and extinguish the
（10） empire altogether. The wealth of the state and its
subjects was greatly diminished， and artistic and literary
production had virtually ceased. By the early eleventh
century， however， the empire had regained almost half of
its lost possessions， its new frontiers were secure， and its
（15） influence extended far beyond its borders. The economy
had recovered， the treasury was full， and art and scho-
larship had advanced.
To consider the Byzantine military， cultural， and
economic advances as differentiated aspects of a single
（20） phenomenon is reasonable. After all， these three forms
of progress have gone together in a number of states and
civilizations. Rome under Augustus and fifth-century
Athens provide the most obvious examples in antiquity.
Moreover， an examination of the apparent sequential
（25） connections among military， economic， and cultural
forms of progress might help explain the dynamics of
historical change.
The common explanation of these apparent conn-
ections in the case of Byzantium would run like this：
（30） when the empire had turned back enemy raids on its
own territory and had begun to raid and conquer enemy
territory， Byzantine resources naturally expanded and
more money became available to patronize art and lit-
erature. Therefore， Byzantine military achievements led to
（35） economic advances， which in turn led to cultural revival.
No doubt this hypothetical pattern did apply at times
during the course of the recovery. Yet it is not clear that
military advances invariably came first， economic
advances second， and intellectual advances third. In the
（40） 860's the Byzantine Empire began to recover from Arab
incursions so that by 872 the military balance with the
Abbasid Caliphate had been permanently altered in the
empire's favor. The beginning of the empire's economic
revival， however， can be placed between 810 and 830
（45） Finally， the Byzantine revival of learning appears to
have begun even earlier. A number of notable scholars
and writers appeared by 788 and， by the last decade of
the eighth century， a cultural revival was in full bloom， a
revival that lasted until the fall of Constantinople in
（50） 1453.Thus the commonly expected order of military
revival followed by economic and then by cultural
recovery was reversed in Byzantium. In fact， the revival
of Byzantine learning may itself have influenced the
subsequent economic and military expansion.
1. Which of the following best states the central idea of
the passage？
（A） The Byzantine Empire was a unique case in
which the usual order of military and economic
revival preceding cultural revival was reversed.
（B） The economic， cultural， and military revival in the
Byzantine Empire between the eighth and
eleventh centuries was similar in its order to the
sequence of revivals in Augustan Rome and fifth-
century Athens.
（C） After 810 Byzantine economic recovery spurred a
military and， later， cultural expansion that lasted
until 1453.
（D） The eighth-century revival of Byzantine learning
is an inexplicable phenomenon， and its economic
and military precursors have yet to be discovered.
（E） The revival of the Byzantine Empire between the
eighth and eleventh centuries shows cultural
rebirth preceding economic and military revival，
the reverse of the commonly accepted order of
progress.
2. The primary purpose of the second paragraph is
which of the following？
（A） To establish the uniqueness of the Byzantine
revival
（B） To show that Augustan Rome and fifth-century
Athens are examples of cultural， economic， and
military expansion against which all subsequent
cases must be measured
（C） To suggest that cultural， economic. and military
advances have tended to be closely interrelated in
different societies
（D） To argue that， while the revivals of Augustan
Rome and fifth-century Athens were similar， they
are unrelated to other historical examples
（E） To indicate that， wherever possible， historians
should seek to make comparisons with the
earliest chronological examples of revival
3. It can be inferred from the passage that by the
eleventh century the Byzantine military forces
（A） had reached their peak and begun to decline
（B） had eliminated the Bulgarian army
（C） were comparable in size to the army of Rome
under Augustus
（D） were strong enough to withstand the Abbasid
Caliphate's military forces
（E） had achieved control of Byzantine governmental
structures
4. It can be inferred from the passage that the Byzantine
Empire sustained significant territorial losses
（A） in 600
（B） during the seventh century
（C） a century after the cultural achievements of the
Byzantine Empire had been lost
（D） soon after the revival of Byzantine learning
（E） in the century after 873
5. In the third paragraph， the author most probably
provides an explanation of the apparent connections
among economic， military， and cultural development
in order to
（A） suggest that the process of revival in Byzantium
accords with this model
（B） set up an order of events that is then shown to be
not generally applicable to the case of Byzantium
（C） cast aspersions on traditional historical
scholarship about Byzantium
（D） suggest that Byzantium represents a case for
which no historical precedent exists
（E） argue that military conquest is the paramount
element in the growth of empires
6. Which of the following does the author mention as
crucial evidence concerning the manner in which
the Byzantine revival began？
（A） The Byzantine military revival of the 860's led to
economic and cultural advances.
（B） The Byzantine cultural revival lasted until 1453.
（C） The Byzantine economic recovery began in the
900's.
（D） The revival of Byzantine learning began toward
the end of the eighth century.
（E） By the early eleventh century the Byzantine
Empire had regained much of its lost territory.
7. According to the author， “The common explanation”
（line 28） of connections between economic， military，
and cultural development is
（A） revolutionary and too new to have been applied
to the history of the Byzantine Empire
（B） reasonable， but an antiquated theory of the nature
of progress
（C） not applicable to the Byzantine revival as a whole，
but does perhaps accurately describe limited
periods during the revival
（D） equally applicable to the Byzantine case as a
whole and to the history of military， economic，
and cultural advances in ancient Greece and
Rome
（E） essentially not helpful， because military， economic，
and cultural advances are part of a single
phenomenon
Passage 3
In 1896 a Georgia couple suing for damages in the
accidental death of their two year old was told that since
the child had made no real economic contribution to the
family， there was no liability for damages. In contrast，
（5） less than a century later， in 1979， the parents of a three
year old sued in New York for accidental-death damages
and won an award of $750，000.
The transformation in social values implicit in juxta-
posing these two incidents is the subject of Viviana
（10） Zelizer's excellent book， Pricing the Priceless Child.
During the nineteenth century， she argues， the concept
of the “useful” child who contributed to the family
economy gave way gradually to the present-day notion
of the “useless” child who， though producing no income
（15） for， and indeed extremely costly to， its parents， is yet
considered emotionally “priceless.” Well established
among segments of the middle and upper classes by the
mid-1800's， this new view of childhood spread through-
out society in the iate-nineteenth and early-twentieth
（20） centuries as reformers introduced child-labor regulations
and compulsory education laws predicated in part on the
assumption that a child's emotional value made child
labor taboo.
For Zelizer the origins of this transformation were
（25） many and complex. The gradual erosion of children's
productive value in a maturing industrial economy，
the decline in birth and death rates， especially in child
mortality， and the development of the companionate
family （a family in which members were united by
（30） explicit bonds of love rather than duty） were all factors
critical in changing the assessment of children's worth.
Yet “expulsion of children from the 'cash nexus.'……
although clearly shaped by profound changes in the
economic， occupational， and family structures，“ Zelizer
（35） maintains， “was also part of a cultural process of 'sacral-
ization' of children's lives.“ Protecting children from the
crass business world became enormously important for
late-nineteenth-century middle-class Americans， she
suggests； this sacralization was a way of resisting what
（40） they perceived as the relentless corruption of human
values by the marketplace.
In stressing the cultural determinants of a child's
worth， Zelizer takes issue with practitioners of the new
“sociological economics，” who have analyzed such tradi-
（45） tionally sociological topics as crime， marriage， educa-
tion. and health solely in terms of their economic deter-
minants. Allowing only a small role for cultural forces
in the form of individual “preferences，” these sociologists
tend to view all human behavior as directed primarily by
（50） the principle of maximizing economic gain， Zelizer is
highly critical of this approach， and emphasizes instead
the opposite phenomenon： the power of social values to
transform price. As children became more valuable in
emotional terms， she argues， their “exchange” or “ sur-
（55） render“ value on the market， that is， the conversion of
their intangible worth into cash terms， became much
greater.
1. It can be inferred from the passage that accidental-death damage awards in America during the nineteenth century tended to be based principally on the
（A） earnings of the person at time of death
（B） wealth of the party causing the death
（C） degree of culpability of the party causing the death
（D） amount of money that had been spent on the person killed
（E） amount of suffering endured by the family of the person killed
2. It can be inferred from the passage that in the early 1800's children were generally regarded by their families as individuals who
（A） needed enormous amounts of security and affection
（B） required constant supervision while working
（C） were important to the economic well-being of a family
（D） were unsuited to spending long hours school
（E） were financial burdens assumed for the good of society
3. Which of the following alternative explanations of the change in the cash value of children would be most likely to be put forward by sociological economists as they are described in the passage？
（A） The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because parents began to increase their emotional investment in the upbringing of their children.
（B） The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because their expected earnings over the course of a lifetime increased greatly.
（C） The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because the spread of humanitarian ideals resulted in a wholesale reappraisal of the worth of an individual.
（D） The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because compulsory education laws reduced the supply， and thus raised the costs， of available child labor.
（E） The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because of changes in the way negligence law assessed damages in accidental death cases.
4. The primary purpose of the passage is to
（A） review the literature in a new academic sub field
（B） present the central thesis of a recent book
（C） contrast two approaches to analyzing historical change
（D） refute a traditional explanation of a social phenomenon
（E） encourage further work on a neglected historical topic
5. It can be inferred from the passage that which of the following statements was true of American families over the course of the nineteenth century？
（A） The average size of families grew considerably.
（B） The percentage of families involved in industrial work declined dramatically.
（C） Family members became more emotionally bonded to one another.
（D） Family members spent an increasing amount of time working with each other.
（E） Family members became more economically dependent on each other.
6. Zelizer refers to all of the following as important influences in changing the assessment of children's worth EXCEPT changes in
（A） the mortality rate
（B） the nature of industry
（C） the nature of the family
（D） attitudes toward reform movements
（E） attitudes toward the marketplace
7.Which of the following would be most consistent with the practices of sociological economics as these practices are described in the passage？
（A） Arguing that most health-care professionals enter the field because they believe it to be the most socially useful of any occupation
（B） Arguing that most college students choose majors that they believe will lead to the most highly paid jobs available to them
（C） Arguing that most decisions about marriage and divorce are based on rational assessments of the likelihood that each partner will remain committed to the relationship
（D） Analyzing changes in the number of people enrolled in colleges and universities as a function of changes in the economic health of these institutions
（E） Analyzing changes in the ages at which people get married as a function of a change in the average number of years that young people have lived away from their parents
KEYS：
Passage 1： AEEBC DCAE
Passage 2： ECDBB DC
Passage 3： ACBBC DB
Prior to 1975， union efforts to organize public sectorclerical workers， most of whom are women， were somewhat limited. The factors favoring unionization drives seem to have been either the presence of large numbers of workers， as in New York City， to make it worth the effort， or the concentration of small numbers in one or two locations， such as a hospital， to make it relatively easy. Receptivity to unionization on the workers' part was also a consideration， but when there were large numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only unorganized group in a jurisdiction， the multioccupational unions would often try to organize them regardless of the workers' initial receptivity. The strategic reasoning was based， first， on the concern that politicians and administrators might play off unionized against nonunionized workers， and， second， on the conviction that a fully unionized public work force meant power， both at the bargaining table and in the legislature. In localities where clerical workers were few in number， were scattered in several workplaces， and expressed no interest in being organized， unions more often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.
But since the mid-1970's， a different strategy has emerged. In 1977， 34 percent of government clerical workers were represented by a labor organization， compared with 46 percent of government professionals， 44 percent of government blue-collar workers， and 41 percent of government service workers. Since then， however， the biggest increases in public-sector unionization have been among clerical workers. Between 1977and 1980， the number of unionized government workers in blue-collar and service occupations increased only about 1.5 percent， while in the white-collar occupations the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers in particular， the increase was 22 percent.
What accounts for this upsurge in unionization among clerical workers？ First， more women have entered the work force in the past few years， and more of them plan to remain working until retirement age. Consequently， they are probably more concerned than their predecessors were about job security and economic benefits. Also， the women's movement has succeeded in legitimizing the economic and political activism of women on their own behalf， thereby producing a more positive attitude toward unions. The absence of any comparable increase in unionization among private-sector clerical workers， however， identifies the primary catalyst-the structural change in the multioccupational public-sector unions themselves. Over the past twenty years， the occupational distribution in these unions has been steadily shifting from predominantly blue-collar to predominantly white-collar. Because there are far more women in white-collar jobs， an increase in the proportion of female members has accompanied the occupational shift and has altered union policy-making in favor of organizing women and addressing women's issues.
1.According to the passage， the public-sector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 were
（A） professionals
（B） managers
（C） clerical workers
（D） service workers
（E） blue-collar workers
2.The author cites union efforts to achieve a fully unionized work force （line 13-19） in order to account for why
（A） politicians might try to oppose public-sector union organizing
（B） public-sector unions have recently focused on organizing women
（C） early organizing efforts often focused on areas where there were large numbers of workers
（D） union efforts with regard to public-sector clerical workers increased dramatically after 1975
（E） unions sometimes tried to organize workers regardless of the workers' initial interest in unionization
3. The author's claim that， since the mid-1970's， a new strategy has emerged in the unionization of public sector clerical workers would be strengthened if the author
（A） described more fully the attitudes of clerical workers toward labor unions
（B） compared the organizing strategies employed by private-sector unions with those of public-sector unions
（C） explained why politicians and administrator sometimes oppose unionization of clerical workers
（D） indicated that the number of unionized public-sector clerical workers was increasing even before the mid-1970's
（E） showed that the factors that favored unionization drives among these workers prior to 1975 have decreased in importance
4. According to the passage， in the period prior to 1975， each of the following considerations helped determine whether a union would attempt to organize a certain group of clerical workers EXCEPT
（A） the number of clerical workers in that group
（B） the number of women among the clerical workers in that group
（C） whether the clerical workers in that area were concentrated in one workplace or scattered over several workplaces
（D） the degree to which the clerical workers in that group were interested in unionization
（E） whether all the other workers in the same juries diction as that group of clerical workers were unionized
5. The author states that which of the following is a consequence of the women's movement of recent years？
（A） An increase in the number of women entering the work force
（B） A structural change in multioccupational public-sector unions
（C） A more positive attitude on the part of women toward unions
（D） An increase in the proportion of clerical workers that are women
（E） An increase in the number of women in administrative positions
6. The main concern of the passage is to
（A） advocate particular strategies for future efforts to organize certain workers into labor unions
（B） explain differences in the unionized proportions of various groups of public-sector workers
（C） evaluate the effectiveness of certain kinds of labor unions that represent public-sector workers
（D） analyzed and explain an increase in unionization among a certain category of workers
（E） describe and distinguish strategies appropriate to organizing different categories of workers
7. The author implies that if the increase in the number of women in the work force and the impact of the women's movement were the main causes of the rise in unionization of public-sector clerical workers， then
（A） more women would hold administrative positions in unions
（B） more women who hold political offices would have positive attitudes toward labor unions
（C） there would be an equivalent rise in unionization of private-sector clerical workers
（D） unions would have shown more interest than the have in organizing women
（E） the increase in the number of unionized public- sector clerical workers would have been greater than it has been
8. The author suggests that it would be disadvantageous to a union if
（A） many workers in the locality were not unionized
（B） the union contributed to political campaigns
（C） the union included only public-sector workers
（D） the union included workers from several jurisdictions
（E） the union included members from only a few occupations
9. The author implies that， in comparison with working women today， women working in the years prior to the mid-1970's showed a greater tendency to
（A） prefer smaller workplaces
（B） express a positive attitude toward labor unions
（C） maximize job security and economic benefits
（D） side with administrators in labor disputes
（E） quit working prior of retirement age
Passage 2
Between the eighth and eleventh centuries A.D.， the
Byzantine Empire staged an almost unparalleled
economic and cultural revival， a recovery that is all the
more striking because it followed a long period of severe
（5） internal decline. By the early eighth century， the empire
had lost roughly two-thirds of the territory it had
possessed in the year 600， and its remaining area was
being raided by Arabs and Bulgarians， who at times
threatened to take Constantinople and extinguish the
（10） empire altogether. The wealth of the state and its
subjects was greatly diminished， and artistic and literary
production had virtually ceased. By the early eleventh
century， however， the empire had regained almost half of
its lost possessions， its new frontiers were secure， and its
（15） influence extended far beyond its borders. The economy
had recovered， the treasury was full， and art and scho-
larship had advanced.
To consider the Byzantine military， cultural， and
economic advances as differentiated aspects of a single
（20） phenomenon is reasonable. After all， these three forms
of progress have gone together in a number of states and
civilizations. Rome under Augustus and fifth-century
Athens provide the most obvious examples in antiquity.
Moreover， an examination of the apparent sequential
（25） connections among military， economic， and cultural
forms of progress might help explain the dynamics of
historical change.
The common explanation of these apparent conn-
ections in the case of Byzantium would run like this：
（30） when the empire had turned back enemy raids on its
own territory and had begun to raid and conquer enemy
territory， Byzantine resources naturally expanded and
more money became available to patronize art and lit-
erature. Therefore， Byzantine military achievements led to
（35） economic advances， which in turn led to cultural revival.
No doubt this hypothetical pattern did apply at times
during the course of the recovery. Yet it is not clear that
military advances invariably came first， economic
advances second， and intellectual advances third. In the
（40） 860's the Byzantine Empire began to recover from Arab
incursions so that by 872 the military balance with the
Abbasid Caliphate had been permanently altered in the
empire's favor. The beginning of the empire's economic
revival， however， can be placed between 810 and 830
（45） Finally， the Byzantine revival of learning appears to
have begun even earlier. A number of notable scholars
and writers appeared by 788 and， by the last decade of
the eighth century， a cultural revival was in full bloom， a
revival that lasted until the fall of Constantinople in
（50） 1453.Thus the commonly expected order of military
revival followed by economic and then by cultural
recovery was reversed in Byzantium. In fact， the revival
of Byzantine learning may itself have influenced the
subsequent economic and military expansion.
1. Which of the following best states the central idea of
the passage？
（A） The Byzantine Empire was a unique case in
which the usual order of military and economic
revival preceding cultural revival was reversed.
（B） The economic， cultural， and military revival in the
Byzantine Empire between the eighth and
eleventh centuries was similar in its order to the
sequence of revivals in Augustan Rome and fifth-
century Athens.
（C） After 810 Byzantine economic recovery spurred a
military and， later， cultural expansion that lasted
until 1453.
（D） The eighth-century revival of Byzantine learning
is an inexplicable phenomenon， and its economic
and military precursors have yet to be discovered.
（E） The revival of the Byzantine Empire between the
eighth and eleventh centuries shows cultural
rebirth preceding economic and military revival，
the reverse of the commonly accepted order of
progress.
2. The primary purpose of the second paragraph is
which of the following？
（A） To establish the uniqueness of the Byzantine
revival
（B） To show that Augustan Rome and fifth-century
Athens are examples of cultural， economic， and
military expansion against which all subsequent
cases must be measured
（C） To suggest that cultural， economic. and military
advances have tended to be closely interrelated in
different societies
（D） To argue that， while the revivals of Augustan
Rome and fifth-century Athens were similar， they
are unrelated to other historical examples
（E） To indicate that， wherever possible， historians
should seek to make comparisons with the
earliest chronological examples of revival
3. It can be inferred from the passage that by the
eleventh century the Byzantine military forces
（A） had reached their peak and begun to decline
（B） had eliminated the Bulgarian army
（C） were comparable in size to the army of Rome
under Augustus
（D） were strong enough to withstand the Abbasid
Caliphate's military forces
（E） had achieved control of Byzantine governmental
structures
4. It can be inferred from the passage that the Byzantine
Empire sustained significant territorial losses
（A） in 600
（B） during the seventh century
（C） a century after the cultural achievements of the
Byzantine Empire had been lost
（D） soon after the revival of Byzantine learning
（E） in the century after 873
5. In the third paragraph， the author most probably
provides an explanation of the apparent connections
among economic， military， and cultural development
in order to
（A） suggest that the process of revival in Byzantium
accords with this model
（B） set up an order of events that is then shown to be
not generally applicable to the case of Byzantium
（C） cast aspersions on traditional historical
scholarship about Byzantium
（D） suggest that Byzantium represents a case for
which no historical precedent exists
（E） argue that military conquest is the paramount
element in the growth of empires
6. Which of the following does the author mention as
crucial evidence concerning the manner in which
the Byzantine revival began？
（A） The Byzantine military revival of the 860's led to
economic and cultural advances.
（B） The Byzantine cultural revival lasted until 1453.
（C） The Byzantine economic recovery began in the
900's.
（D） The revival of Byzantine learning began toward
the end of the eighth century.
（E） By the early eleventh century the Byzantine
Empire had regained much of its lost territory.
7. According to the author， “The common explanation”
（line 28） of connections between economic， military，
and cultural development is
（A） revolutionary and too new to have been applied
to the history of the Byzantine Empire
（B） reasonable， but an antiquated theory of the nature
of progress
（C） not applicable to the Byzantine revival as a whole，
but does perhaps accurately describe limited
periods during the revival
（D） equally applicable to the Byzantine case as a
whole and to the history of military， economic，
and cultural advances in ancient Greece and
Rome
（E） essentially not helpful， because military， economic，
and cultural advances are part of a single
phenomenon
Passage 3
In 1896 a Georgia couple suing for damages in the
accidental death of their two year old was told that since
the child had made no real economic contribution to the
family， there was no liability for damages. In contrast，
（5） less than a century later， in 1979， the parents of a three
year old sued in New York for accidental-death damages
and won an award of $750，000.
The transformation in social values implicit in juxta-
posing these two incidents is the subject of Viviana
（10） Zelizer's excellent book， Pricing the Priceless Child.
During the nineteenth century， she argues， the concept
of the “useful” child who contributed to the family
economy gave way gradually to the present-day notion
of the “useless” child who， though producing no income
（15） for， and indeed extremely costly to， its parents， is yet
considered emotionally “priceless.” Well established
among segments of the middle and upper classes by the
mid-1800's， this new view of childhood spread through-
out society in the iate-nineteenth and early-twentieth
（20） centuries as reformers introduced child-labor regulations
and compulsory education laws predicated in part on the
assumption that a child's emotional value made child
labor taboo.
For Zelizer the origins of this transformation were
（25） many and complex. The gradual erosion of children's
productive value in a maturing industrial economy，
the decline in birth and death rates， especially in child
mortality， and the development of the companionate
family （a family in which members were united by
（30） explicit bonds of love rather than duty） were all factors
critical in changing the assessment of children's worth.
Yet “expulsion of children from the 'cash nexus.'……
although clearly shaped by profound changes in the
economic， occupational， and family structures，“ Zelizer
（35） maintains， “was also part of a cultural process of 'sacral-
ization' of children's lives.“ Protecting children from the
crass business world became enormously important for
late-nineteenth-century middle-class Americans， she
suggests； this sacralization was a way of resisting what
（40） they perceived as the relentless corruption of human
values by the marketplace.
In stressing the cultural determinants of a child's
worth， Zelizer takes issue with practitioners of the new
“sociological economics，” who have analyzed such tradi-
（45） tionally sociological topics as crime， marriage， educa-
tion. and health solely in terms of their economic deter-
minants. Allowing only a small role for cultural forces
in the form of individual “preferences，” these sociologists
tend to view all human behavior as directed primarily by
（50） the principle of maximizing economic gain， Zelizer is
highly critical of this approach， and emphasizes instead
the opposite phenomenon： the power of social values to
transform price. As children became more valuable in
emotional terms， she argues， their “exchange” or “ sur-
（55） render“ value on the market， that is， the conversion of
their intangible worth into cash terms， became much
greater.
1. It can be inferred from the passage that accidental-death damage awards in America during the nineteenth century tended to be based principally on the
（A） earnings of the person at time of death
（B） wealth of the party causing the death
（C） degree of culpability of the party causing the death
（D） amount of money that had been spent on the person killed
（E） amount of suffering endured by the family of the person killed
2. It can be inferred from the passage that in the early 1800's children were generally regarded by their families as individuals who
（A） needed enormous amounts of security and affection
（B） required constant supervision while working
（C） were important to the economic well-being of a family
（D） were unsuited to spending long hours school
（E） were financial burdens assumed for the good of society
3. Which of the following alternative explanations of the change in the cash value of children would be most likely to be put forward by sociological economists as they are described in the passage？
（A） The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because parents began to increase their emotional investment in the upbringing of their children.
（B） The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because their expected earnings over the course of a lifetime increased greatly.
（C） The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because the spread of humanitarian ideals resulted in a wholesale reappraisal of the worth of an individual.
（D） The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because compulsory education laws reduced the supply， and thus raised the costs， of available child labor.
（E） The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because of changes in the way negligence law assessed damages in accidental death cases.
4. The primary purpose of the passage is to
（A） review the literature in a new academic sub field
（B） present the central thesis of a recent book
（C） contrast two approaches to analyzing historical change
（D） refute a traditional explanation of a social phenomenon
（E） encourage further work on a neglected historical topic
5. It can be inferred from the passage that which of the following statements was true of American families over the course of the nineteenth century？
（A） The average size of families grew considerably.
（B） The percentage of families involved in industrial work declined dramatically.
（C） Family members became more emotionally bonded to one another.
（D） Family members spent an increasing amount of time working with each other.
（E） Family members became more economically dependent on each other.
6. Zelizer refers to all of the following as important influences in changing the assessment of children's worth EXCEPT changes in
（A） the mortality rate
（B） the nature of industry
（C） the nature of the family
（D） attitudes toward reform movements
（E） attitudes toward the marketplace
7.Which of the following would be most consistent with the practices of sociological economics as these practices are described in the passage？
（A） Arguing that most health-care professionals enter the field because they believe it to be the most socially useful of any occupation
（B） Arguing that most college students choose majors that they believe will lead to the most highly paid jobs available to them
（C） Arguing that most decisions about marriage and divorce are based on rational assessments of the likelihood that each partner will remain committed to the relationship
（D） Analyzing changes in the number of people enrolled in colleges and universities as a function of changes in the economic health of these institutions
（E） Analyzing changes in the ages at which people get married as a function of a change in the average number of years that young people have lived away from their parents
KEYS：
Passage 1： AEEBC DCAE
Passage 2： ECDBB DC
Passage 3： ACBBC DB