EARLIER this month, the Education Commission （EC） of Hong Kong publicised a document proposing an overall education reform extending from kindergartens to universities in the Special Administrative Region. After three months of consultation with the public for feedback, the plan will be implemented by the SAR government.
The EC's document, entitled Excel And Grow —— Review of the Education System Reform Proposals： Summary of Consultation Paper, will go down as a new watershed in the history of education in Hong Kong.
This will be the first time that Hong Kong has ever drawn up a blueprint for its own education system since it returned to the Chinese sovereignty in 1997.
The last comparable event, according to experts, was in November 1982 when the Hong Kong-British authorities publicised A Perspective on Education in Hong Kong： Report by a Visiting Panel.
Hitherto, educational policies in Hong Kong had been focussed on increasing school vacancies and enforcing 9-year compulsory education in the territory.
Then, A Perspective on Education in Hong Kong suggested that an Education Commission including local experts and institutions be set up to draw up plans, make policies and check on their implementation. This signalled a change in the mindset of the colonial government, which was starting to see the need for overall planning in education.
In mid-1980s, Hong Kong embarked on a process of opening-up in its political system. Policies on education were no longer made by the government alone. The public were consulted with, and practising educationists became more involved in decision-making.
Between 1984 and 1996, EC produced seven reports altogether, making suggestions on various issues such as the specialising of teachers, the language of instruction, and the assessment of performance.
After taking over as Chief Executive of Hong Kong SAR, Mr Tung Chee Hwa entrusted EC then headed by Mr Anthony Leung Kam-chung, member of his de-facto Cabinet, with the task of overhauling the education system and setting goals for the 21st century.
Now EC is in its third round of public consultation since January 1999. Besides drawing upon the education reforms going on in Shanghai, South Korea, Taipei, Singapore, Japan and Chicago, the Commission has sought suggestions from the public and enlisted the media's help with communication between government and the masses. This has helped render the policy-making in education more transparent.
And a sum of HK$800 million （about S$200 million） has been earmarked this year by the Financial Secretary for educational expenditures in addition to the annual budget allotment.
The process as a whole carries great significance for Hong Kong, which has become its own master now. As noted earlier by the deputy vice-chancellor of a Hong Kong university, the SAR government should not grudge allotting funds for education as did the former Hong Kong-British authorities, who were reluctant to spend resources on “the upbringing of other people's children”。
At present, the SAR government should make sure that it pursues an educational policy different from that of the colonial government, and that it has vision and insight in the long-term interests of Hong Kong.
More important, the EC's proposal must be able to help improve education. Compared with other “small dragons” in Asia now carrying out education reforms and with more developed societies, Hong Kong is a late-starter as it has just set about tackling its problems piled up for years.
The orientation of Hong Kong's reform, however, is akin to those of other places. Here, too, creativity is being emphasised, schoolwork burdens cut down, teaching made less exam-oriented, and students encouraged to take courses in various fields.
This seems to be the general trend nowadays. All countries and regions must make such changes in preparation for the advent of a knowledge-based economy.
Hong Kong's objective of reform, namely, to bring up young people who “enjoy learning, excel at communication, and have courage for commitment and innovations”, is definitely a worthy ideal.
Yet one cannot expect to achieve the goal overnight. Many problems have to be addressed. For one thing, the role of teachers has yet to receive due attention in the EC's proposal for reform.
To bring up students that meet the requirements under a new education system, there must first be an army of teachers who accept the system and can work well under it. While no student should be given up for lost, teachers should first be given care and support in the education reform. They should not be ignored while the school system is revamped.
This means more than a series of self-improvement courses for the teachers. As the education reform is necessitated by changes in economy and society, teachers should be helped to adjust their mindset accordingly.
Presumably, this task is not limited to Hong Kong. All the countries and regions carrying out education reforms will meet with the same problem, but will probably overlook it.
In this connection, the education reform in Hong Kong can find comparable aspects in what has been going on in Singapore.
（The anthor is Lianhe Zaobao's correspondent in HK. Translated by Allen Zhuang）
香港教育改革新分水嶺
● 李慧玲
香港教育統(tǒng)籌委員會(huì)五月初公布了《教育制度檢討改革方案咨詢文件》,對(duì)從幼兒教育到高等教育提出全盤改革的建議,在三個(gè)月咨詢期過后,總結(jié)公眾意見便可交由政府落實(shí)。這個(gè)《改革方案》,相信將成為香港教育又另一個(gè)分水嶺。
《改革方案》將是香港自擺脫殖民統(tǒng)治,回歸中國(guó)以來首次為自己未來的教育政策制定總藍(lán)圖。
根據(jù)學(xué)者分析,香港教育政策上一個(gè)分水嶺是在1982年11月港英政府發(fā)表的《香港教育透視——國(guó)際顧問團(tuán)報(bào)告書》。
在這份報(bào)告書公布之前,教育政策發(fā)展的基調(diào)是擴(kuò)充學(xué)額及實(shí)施九年強(qiáng)制教育。
報(bào)告書問世之后,建議成立由本地教育專家與機(jī)構(gòu)參與的教育統(tǒng)籌委員會(huì),進(jìn)行較全面策劃、擬定政策及監(jiān)察效果,反映出港英政府有了統(tǒng)籌教育的意識(shí)。
而隨著80年代中期以后香港政制的改變和開放,教育政策的制定不再全部落在政府手中,民間咨詢與實(shí)際教育工作者參與的程度也隨之提高。
教育統(tǒng)籌委員會(huì)從1984年至1996年共提呈了7份報(bào)告書,對(duì)教師專業(yè)、教育語言、成績(jī)?cè)u(píng)核等課題提出過個(gè)別建議。1997年行政長(zhǎng)官董建華上臺(tái)后,委任以他的變相內(nèi)閣行政會(huì)議成員梁錦松為首的教統(tǒng)會(huì),全盤檢討教育制度,制定新世紀(jì)的教育目標(biāo)。
教統(tǒng)會(huì)從1999年1月至今,已進(jìn)入第三個(gè)咨詢期,除了參考上海、韓國(guó)、臺(tái)北、新加坡、日本和芝加哥等地的教育改革情況,也廣泛聽取公眾意見,通過媒體促進(jìn)溝通,使整個(gè)關(guān)系香港前途的教育藍(lán)圖制定過程更加透明。而財(cái)政司除了常年撥款,今年也預(yù)留8億港元（約新幣2億元）作為教育開支。
這個(gè)過程本身對(duì)回歸不到三年,自己當(dāng)家作主的香港,具有深刻的意義。香港一所大學(xué)的副校長(zhǎng)過去曾經(jīng)公開批評(píng),特區(qū)政府不能夠像港英政府時(shí)代,抱著“教養(yǎng)別人的孩子”的心態(tài)而吝于撥款,缺乏眼光。
此次,特區(qū)政府必須在展示了它的開明之際,同時(shí)確保港府在教育政策上區(qū)別于殖民地政府,具有長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)的眼光與廣闊的視野。
更重要的是,教統(tǒng)會(huì)的《改革方案》終必須能夠提高教育素質(zhì)。將它放在整個(gè)亞洲地區(qū)的教育改革之風(fēng)當(dāng)中來考量,和亞洲四小龍和其他發(fā)展迅速的社會(huì)比較起來,香港現(xiàn)在才準(zhǔn)備著手處理積郁多年的教育問題,起步并不算快,但方向卻是與其他地區(qū)相近的。
對(duì)照這些地區(qū)的經(jīng)驗(yàn),提倡創(chuàng)意,建議為學(xué)生“松綁”,改變多年來以考試為主導(dǎo)的方式,并且鼓勵(lì)學(xué)生研讀跨領(lǐng)域的學(xué)科,似乎是大家共朝的方向。這并非偶然,而是大家為了應(yīng)付新經(jīng)濟(jì)時(shí)代的來臨所做出的大變革。
香港改革目標(biāo)中所定的目標(biāo),培養(yǎng)“樂于學(xué)習(xí)、善于溝通、勇于承擔(dān)、敢于創(chuàng)新”的學(xué)生,無疑是個(gè)值得實(shí)現(xiàn)的理想。然而,教育改革不可能一蹴而就,在教統(tǒng)會(huì)的《改革方案》中,對(duì)于站在前線的教師角色著墨甚少。
要培養(yǎng)能夠適應(yīng)新制度的學(xué)生,首先必須有能夠適應(yīng)和接受新制度的教師,在不放棄學(xué)生的原則下,首先不能被放棄的是教師。在教育改革當(dāng)中,不可能只顧及學(xué)校制度的調(diào)整而忽略了教師。
這不只是急急地讓教師也上一系列自我提升課程,既然這是整個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)模式和時(shí)代帶來的變革,還要照顧的是教師本身面對(duì)這場(chǎng)大調(diào)整的心理。
這方面的問題,相信不僅是香港所將獨(dú)自面對(duì)的,而是在所有改革的地區(qū)當(dāng)中所會(huì)出現(xiàn),也容易被略過的盲點(diǎn)。這個(gè)改革同新加坡近來所進(jìn)行的教育革新有可以比較的基礎(chǔ)。
The EC's document, entitled Excel And Grow —— Review of the Education System Reform Proposals： Summary of Consultation Paper, will go down as a new watershed in the history of education in Hong Kong.
This will be the first time that Hong Kong has ever drawn up a blueprint for its own education system since it returned to the Chinese sovereignty in 1997.
The last comparable event, according to experts, was in November 1982 when the Hong Kong-British authorities publicised A Perspective on Education in Hong Kong： Report by a Visiting Panel.
Hitherto, educational policies in Hong Kong had been focussed on increasing school vacancies and enforcing 9-year compulsory education in the territory.
Then, A Perspective on Education in Hong Kong suggested that an Education Commission including local experts and institutions be set up to draw up plans, make policies and check on their implementation. This signalled a change in the mindset of the colonial government, which was starting to see the need for overall planning in education.
In mid-1980s, Hong Kong embarked on a process of opening-up in its political system. Policies on education were no longer made by the government alone. The public were consulted with, and practising educationists became more involved in decision-making.
Between 1984 and 1996, EC produced seven reports altogether, making suggestions on various issues such as the specialising of teachers, the language of instruction, and the assessment of performance.
After taking over as Chief Executive of Hong Kong SAR, Mr Tung Chee Hwa entrusted EC then headed by Mr Anthony Leung Kam-chung, member of his de-facto Cabinet, with the task of overhauling the education system and setting goals for the 21st century.
Now EC is in its third round of public consultation since January 1999. Besides drawing upon the education reforms going on in Shanghai, South Korea, Taipei, Singapore, Japan and Chicago, the Commission has sought suggestions from the public and enlisted the media's help with communication between government and the masses. This has helped render the policy-making in education more transparent.
And a sum of HK$800 million （about S$200 million） has been earmarked this year by the Financial Secretary for educational expenditures in addition to the annual budget allotment.
The process as a whole carries great significance for Hong Kong, which has become its own master now. As noted earlier by the deputy vice-chancellor of a Hong Kong university, the SAR government should not grudge allotting funds for education as did the former Hong Kong-British authorities, who were reluctant to spend resources on “the upbringing of other people's children”。
At present, the SAR government should make sure that it pursues an educational policy different from that of the colonial government, and that it has vision and insight in the long-term interests of Hong Kong.
More important, the EC's proposal must be able to help improve education. Compared with other “small dragons” in Asia now carrying out education reforms and with more developed societies, Hong Kong is a late-starter as it has just set about tackling its problems piled up for years.
The orientation of Hong Kong's reform, however, is akin to those of other places. Here, too, creativity is being emphasised, schoolwork burdens cut down, teaching made less exam-oriented, and students encouraged to take courses in various fields.
This seems to be the general trend nowadays. All countries and regions must make such changes in preparation for the advent of a knowledge-based economy.
Hong Kong's objective of reform, namely, to bring up young people who “enjoy learning, excel at communication, and have courage for commitment and innovations”, is definitely a worthy ideal.
Yet one cannot expect to achieve the goal overnight. Many problems have to be addressed. For one thing, the role of teachers has yet to receive due attention in the EC's proposal for reform.
To bring up students that meet the requirements under a new education system, there must first be an army of teachers who accept the system and can work well under it. While no student should be given up for lost, teachers should first be given care and support in the education reform. They should not be ignored while the school system is revamped.
This means more than a series of self-improvement courses for the teachers. As the education reform is necessitated by changes in economy and society, teachers should be helped to adjust their mindset accordingly.
Presumably, this task is not limited to Hong Kong. All the countries and regions carrying out education reforms will meet with the same problem, but will probably overlook it.
In this connection, the education reform in Hong Kong can find comparable aspects in what has been going on in Singapore.
（The anthor is Lianhe Zaobao's correspondent in HK. Translated by Allen Zhuang）
香港教育改革新分水嶺
● 李慧玲
香港教育統(tǒng)籌委員會(huì)五月初公布了《教育制度檢討改革方案咨詢文件》,對(duì)從幼兒教育到高等教育提出全盤改革的建議,在三個(gè)月咨詢期過后,總結(jié)公眾意見便可交由政府落實(shí)。這個(gè)《改革方案》,相信將成為香港教育又另一個(gè)分水嶺。
《改革方案》將是香港自擺脫殖民統(tǒng)治,回歸中國(guó)以來首次為自己未來的教育政策制定總藍(lán)圖。
根據(jù)學(xué)者分析,香港教育政策上一個(gè)分水嶺是在1982年11月港英政府發(fā)表的《香港教育透視——國(guó)際顧問團(tuán)報(bào)告書》。
在這份報(bào)告書公布之前,教育政策發(fā)展的基調(diào)是擴(kuò)充學(xué)額及實(shí)施九年強(qiáng)制教育。
報(bào)告書問世之后,建議成立由本地教育專家與機(jī)構(gòu)參與的教育統(tǒng)籌委員會(huì),進(jìn)行較全面策劃、擬定政策及監(jiān)察效果,反映出港英政府有了統(tǒng)籌教育的意識(shí)。
而隨著80年代中期以后香港政制的改變和開放,教育政策的制定不再全部落在政府手中,民間咨詢與實(shí)際教育工作者參與的程度也隨之提高。
教育統(tǒng)籌委員會(huì)從1984年至1996年共提呈了7份報(bào)告書,對(duì)教師專業(yè)、教育語言、成績(jī)?cè)u(píng)核等課題提出過個(gè)別建議。1997年行政長(zhǎng)官董建華上臺(tái)后,委任以他的變相內(nèi)閣行政會(huì)議成員梁錦松為首的教統(tǒng)會(huì),全盤檢討教育制度,制定新世紀(jì)的教育目標(biāo)。
教統(tǒng)會(huì)從1999年1月至今,已進(jìn)入第三個(gè)咨詢期,除了參考上海、韓國(guó)、臺(tái)北、新加坡、日本和芝加哥等地的教育改革情況,也廣泛聽取公眾意見,通過媒體促進(jìn)溝通,使整個(gè)關(guān)系香港前途的教育藍(lán)圖制定過程更加透明。而財(cái)政司除了常年撥款,今年也預(yù)留8億港元（約新幣2億元）作為教育開支。
這個(gè)過程本身對(duì)回歸不到三年,自己當(dāng)家作主的香港,具有深刻的意義。香港一所大學(xué)的副校長(zhǎng)過去曾經(jīng)公開批評(píng),特區(qū)政府不能夠像港英政府時(shí)代,抱著“教養(yǎng)別人的孩子”的心態(tài)而吝于撥款,缺乏眼光。
此次,特區(qū)政府必須在展示了它的開明之際,同時(shí)確保港府在教育政策上區(qū)別于殖民地政府,具有長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)的眼光與廣闊的視野。
更重要的是,教統(tǒng)會(huì)的《改革方案》終必須能夠提高教育素質(zhì)。將它放在整個(gè)亞洲地區(qū)的教育改革之風(fēng)當(dāng)中來考量,和亞洲四小龍和其他發(fā)展迅速的社會(huì)比較起來,香港現(xiàn)在才準(zhǔn)備著手處理積郁多年的教育問題,起步并不算快,但方向卻是與其他地區(qū)相近的。
對(duì)照這些地區(qū)的經(jīng)驗(yàn),提倡創(chuàng)意,建議為學(xué)生“松綁”,改變多年來以考試為主導(dǎo)的方式,并且鼓勵(lì)學(xué)生研讀跨領(lǐng)域的學(xué)科,似乎是大家共朝的方向。這并非偶然,而是大家為了應(yīng)付新經(jīng)濟(jì)時(shí)代的來臨所做出的大變革。
香港改革目標(biāo)中所定的目標(biāo),培養(yǎng)“樂于學(xué)習(xí)、善于溝通、勇于承擔(dān)、敢于創(chuàng)新”的學(xué)生,無疑是個(gè)值得實(shí)現(xiàn)的理想。然而,教育改革不可能一蹴而就,在教統(tǒng)會(huì)的《改革方案》中,對(duì)于站在前線的教師角色著墨甚少。
要培養(yǎng)能夠適應(yīng)新制度的學(xué)生,首先必須有能夠適應(yīng)和接受新制度的教師,在不放棄學(xué)生的原則下,首先不能被放棄的是教師。在教育改革當(dāng)中,不可能只顧及學(xué)校制度的調(diào)整而忽略了教師。
這不只是急急地讓教師也上一系列自我提升課程,既然這是整個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)模式和時(shí)代帶來的變革,還要照顧的是教師本身面對(duì)這場(chǎng)大調(diào)整的心理。
這方面的問題,相信不僅是香港所將獨(dú)自面對(duì)的,而是在所有改革的地區(qū)當(dāng)中所會(huì)出現(xiàn),也容易被略過的盲點(diǎn)。這個(gè)改革同新加坡近來所進(jìn)行的教育革新有可以比較的基礎(chǔ)。