英語資源頻道為大家整理的china daily 雙語新聞：中國外交政策領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人將出現(xiàn)重大調(diào)整，供大家閱讀參考。
China is expected to promote Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi to oversee the country's diffuse foreign-policy apparatus this week, part of a major shake-up of its diplomatic leadership at a time of rising military tensions with Japan and uncertainty over the direction of ties with the U.S.
Mr. Yang is likely to replace State Councilor Dai Bingguo, according to Chinese foreign-policy scholars and diplomats in Beijing. Among his most pressing challenges will be managing relations with Washington and coordinating the behavior of interest groups such as the military and state-owned enterprises, which have become important foreign-policy actors but at times drive conflicting agendas.
Some analysts had expected the top job would go to Wang Huning, a former international-relations scholar, who was promoted to the Politburo in November, and served as a key adviser to departing President Hu Jintao.
China hasn't had a Politburo-level official in charge of foreign policy for a decade, meaning that foreign policy didn't have a seat at the table of the party's highest decision-making body.
Mr. Yang is likely to be replaced as foreign minister by Wang Yi, a former ambassador to Japan, according to diplomats and Chinese foreign-policy experts. The shake-up is part of a broader once-a-decade transition of power that concludes this week when Xi Jinping, who was anointed head of the Communist Party and military in November, assumes the presidency.
Beijing is searching for a response to the Obama administration's strategic 'pivot' toward the Asian-Pacific region, a move many Chinese interpret as an effort to contain the country's rise.
At a news conference Saturday during China's annual meeting of parliament, the National People's Congress, Mr. Yang said China welcomed the U.S. to play a 'constructive role' in the Asian-Pacific region, but 'at the same time the U.S. side should respect the Chinese side's interests and concerns.'
Mr. Yang also said China's new president would visit Russia, Tanzania, South Africa and Republic of Congo during his first overseas trip as head of state beginning later this month.
After years of entanglements in foreign wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the U.S. is redirecting its attention to Asia, the world's most economically dynamic region where China has become increasingly assertive. Beijing is pressing its territorial claims in the East China and South China seas, and has been involved in a series of heated exchanges with Japan, the Philippines and other U.S. military partners.
Diplomats and U.S. and Chinese security analysts say both governments are eager to find new ways to avoid confrontation as increasingly far-reaching Chinese interests overlap with those of the U.S.
However, the two countries remain far apart in agreeing on what the new relationship should look like, with many in the U.S. worried that recent moves by Beijing signal its long-term intention to replace the U.S. as the dominant regional power.
'The 800-pound-gorilla question is: how can Washington have security cooperation with Beijing when the underlying security structure in Asia is a set of alliances that was built with China in mind in the Cold War?' said David Lampton, a China specialist at Johns Hopkins University.
During a closely watched visit to Washington in February 2012, Mr. Xi advocated a 'new type of great power relationship' between China and the U.S. He said the idea relied on the U.S. respecting China's 'core interests' while deepening strategic coordination and economic ties.
Chinese analysts and Western diplomats say that inherent in the phrase is a desire for the U.S. to recognize China's rising power.
'China wants the U.S. to treat China as an equal partner. Equality is very important,' said Sun Zhe, an expert on U.S.-China relations at Tsinghua University.
The State Department declined to comment on what it expected foreign policy under Mr. Xi to look like.
James Holmes, professor of strategy at the U.S. Naval War College, likened Beijing's growing regional assertiveness to the rise of U.S. military power in the 19th century.
'There are clear echoes. The United States was a naturally dominant power in a region largely isolated from great-power intervention,' he said.
'So is China if it can dislodge the United States the way the United States dislodged Great Britain around 1900.'
A July essay co-written by Chinese vice foreign minister Cui Tiankai expanded on Mr. Xi's 'great powers' phrase, and largely blamed the U.S. for the relationship's problems. Mr. Cui, who Chinese analysts and diplomats expect will be chosen as China's next ambassador to the U.S., highlighted the heightened U.S. military presence in the Asia-Pacific as a hindrance to redefining relations.
China has risen to become a global power with economic interests around the world, as well as large numbers of expatriate Chinese to protect. But China has treated with suspicion U.S. efforts to give it more global responsibilities, seeing it as a plot to fritter away China's resources and restrict its freedom of action in international affairs,
That is likely to change over the longer term, analysts say.
'We need a strong, more dynamic, more vigorous foreign policy,' said Ruan Zongze, a former senior diplomat at the Chinese Embassy in Washington and vice president of the China Institute of International Studies, a think tank run by the Foreign Ministry. 'Great power means great responsibility.'
預(yù)計(jì)中國本周將提拔外交部長楊潔篪負(fù)責(zé)更廣泛的外交政策事務(wù)，這是中國外交領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的重大調(diào)整之一。目前正值中國與日本的軍事緊張形勢升溫，與美國關(guān)系的走向也存在不確定性。
Getty Images預(yù)計(jì)楊潔篪將負(fù)責(zé)更廣泛的外交政策事務(wù)。據(jù)中國外交政策學(xué)者和駐北京的外交人員說，楊潔篪可能接替國務(wù)委員戴秉國。他面臨的最緊迫的挑戰(zhàn)包括：管理與華盛頓的關(guān)系，協(xié)調(diào)軍方和國有企業(yè)等利益集團(tuán)的行為。這些利益集團(tuán)已經(jīng)成為影響外交政策的重要參與者，但有時(shí)會(huì)推動(dòng)相互沖突的議程。
一些分析人士此前曾預(yù)測這一職將由前國際關(guān)系專家王滬寧擔(dān)任。王滬寧去年11月當(dāng)選中共中央政治局委員，是即將離任的國家主席胡錦濤的一位重要顧問。
10年來，中國一直沒有一位政治局委員級(jí)別的官員主管外交政策，意味著外交政策在中共決策機(jī)構(gòu)中沒有一席之位。
據(jù)外交人員和中國外交政策專家說，外交部長一職可能由前中國駐日本大使王毅接任。這一人事調(diào)整是10年一次的廣泛權(quán)力交接的一部分，將于本周結(jié)束，屆時(shí)習(xí)近平預(yù)計(jì)將出任國家主席。去年11月，習(xí)近平當(dāng)選中共中央總書記和中央軍委主席。
Getty Images周六，中國外交部長楊潔篪在北京人民大會(huì)堂出席新聞發(fā)布會(huì)。對于奧巴馬政府將戰(zhàn)略重心轉(zhuǎn)移到亞太地區(qū)的舉措，北京方面正在尋求做出回應(yīng)。很多中國人將美國的重心調(diào)整解讀為是為了限制中國的崛起。
楊潔篪上周六在全國人大會(huì)議期間舉行的新聞發(fā)布會(huì)上說，中國歡迎美國在亞太地區(qū)發(fā)揮建設(shè)性的作用，同時(shí)美方也應(yīng)當(dāng)尊重中方的利益和關(guān)切。
楊潔篪還說，中國新任國家主席本月晚些時(shí)候?qū)⑹状我試以椎纳矸菰L問俄羅斯、坦桑尼亞、南非和剛果共和國。
美國在伊拉克和阿富汗卷入海外戰(zhàn)爭多年后，開始將戰(zhàn)略重心重新放到亞洲這個(gè)世界上經(jīng)濟(jì)活力的地區(qū)。中國在亞洲的態(tài)度變得越來越強(qiáng)勢。北京正在東中國海(East China Sea，中國稱東海)和南中國海(South China Sea，中國稱南海)推進(jìn)其領(lǐng)土主張，并且與日本、菲律賓和其他美國的軍事伙伴發(fā)生了一系列的激烈交鋒。
相關(guān)報(bào)道外交人員和美國及中國的安全分析人士說，隨著中國影響日益深遠(yuǎn)的利益與美國的利益發(fā)生重合，兩國政府都迫切希望找到新的途徑來避免對抗。
然而，中美兩國在新關(guān)系的面貌方面卻遠(yuǎn)沒有達(dá)成一致。很多美國人擔(dān)心，北京近來的舉措表明，其長遠(yuǎn)目標(biāo)是取代美國，成為地區(qū)主導(dǎo)力量。
約翰霍普金斯大學(xué)(Johns Hopkins University)中國問題專家蘭普頓(David Lampton)說，目前的一大問題是，亞洲的深層安全結(jié)構(gòu)是一系列聯(lián)盟，而這是在冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期考慮到中國而建立起來的，在這種情況下，華盛頓如何能與北京進(jìn)行安全合作?
2012年2月訪問華盛頓期間，習(xí)近平主張中美之間應(yīng)建立新型大國關(guān)系。他的訪美之旅備受關(guān)注。習(xí)近平說，這個(gè)想法有賴于美國對中國核心利益的尊重，同時(shí)兩國還要加強(qiáng)戰(zhàn)略協(xié)調(diào)與經(jīng)貿(mào)往來。
中國分析人士與西方外交人士說，這句話的潛在意思是，希望美國承認(rèn)中國日益崛起的力量。
清華大學(xué)美中關(guān)系專家孫哲說，中國希望美國把它看成是一個(gè)平等的伙伴，平等很重要。
美國國務(wù)院拒絕評(píng)論其所預(yù)測的習(xí)近平的外交政策。
美國海軍軍事學(xué)院(U.S. Naval War College)研究戰(zhàn)略的教授霍姆斯(James Holmes)認(rèn)為，北京日益膨脹的地區(qū)自信與美國19世紀(jì)軍事實(shí)力的崛起類似。
霍姆斯說，二者有明顯的相似點(diǎn)，美國當(dāng)時(shí)身處基本不受大國干預(yù)的地區(qū)，很自然地成為一支主導(dǎo)力量。
他說，如果中國能像1900年前后美國逐出英國那樣逐出美國，中國也會(huì)成為地區(qū)的主導(dǎo)力量。
中國外交部副部長崔天凱去年7月與人合寫了一篇文章，就習(xí)近平所謂的“大國”論展開詳述，其中主要是在批評(píng)美國應(yīng)為兩國關(guān)系的問題負(fù)責(zé)任。崔天凱著重強(qiáng)調(diào)，美國在亞太地區(qū)加強(qiáng)軍事存在會(huì)阻礙重新界定中美關(guān)系的努力。中國分析人士和外交人員預(yù)計(jì)，崔天凱將被推選為下一任中國駐美國大使。
中國已成為國際上的大國，經(jīng)濟(jì)利益遍及全球，有大量移居國外的華人需要被保護(hù)。但對于美國賦予中國更多國際責(zé)任的努力，中國一直持懷疑態(tài)度，認(rèn)為這是陰謀，意在消耗中國的資源，限制中國在國際事務(wù)中的行動(dòng)自由。
分析人士說，長遠(yuǎn)來看這一點(diǎn)可能會(huì)改變。
中國駐華盛頓大使館前高級(jí)外交官、中國外交部下屬智庫中國國際問題研究所副所長阮宗澤說：我們需要一個(gè)強(qiáng)有力的、更加靈活、更積極的外交政策。他說，大國意味著責(zé)任重大。