Good Evening, my fellow Americans.
Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.
I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy.
The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and the battlefront in Vietnam?What choices do we have if we are to end the war?What are the prospects for peace? Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on Jan.
20th: The war had been going on for four years.
Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action.
The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule.
Five hundred forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number.
No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friend, as well as our enemies, abroad.In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged withdrawal of all American forces.
From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow.
After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office.
I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker.
Some put it to me quite bluntly: this was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election.
I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace.
The question at issue is not whether Johnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war.
Thank you!
晚上好,我的美國(guó)同胞們。
今晚我想跟你在一個(gè)主題的深切關(guān)注和所有美國(guó)人在世界各地的許多人,在越南戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。
我相信關(guān)于越南的深刻分歧的原因之一是,很多美國(guó)人喪失了信心在他們的政府告訴他們關(guān)于我們的政策。
美國(guó)人民不能也不應(yīng)該被要求支持政策涉及戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)與和平的覆蓋問(wèn)題,除非他們知道真相的政策。因此,今晚,我想回答的一些問(wèn)題,我知道在你們聽(tīng)我的思維。如何以及為什么美國(guó)卷入越南呢?這屆政府是如何改變了上屆政府的政策?談判中真正發(fā)生的事情在巴黎和在越南前線嗎?選擇做什么如果我們要結(jié)束戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)?和平的前景是什么?現(xiàn)在讓我開(kāi)始通過(guò)描述情況我發(fā)現(xiàn)當(dāng)我1月就職。
20:戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)已經(jīng)進(jìn)行了四年。
三萬(wàn)一千年美國(guó)人在行動(dòng)中喪生。
南越的培訓(xùn)項(xiàng)目是落后于預(yù)定計(jì)劃。
五百四萬(wàn)名美國(guó)人在越南不打算減少。
在談判沒(méi)有任何進(jìn)展了巴黎和美國(guó)沒(méi)有提出一個(gè)全面的和平建議。戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)造成了很深的分歧在家里和我們的許多朋友的批評(píng),以及我們的敵人,在國(guó)外。針對(duì)這種情況下,有一些人敦促撤出所有美國(guó)軍隊(duì)。
從政治的角度來(lái)看,這是一個(gè)受歡迎的和容易的課程。
畢竟,我們卷入戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)當(dāng)我的前任在辦公室。
我可以責(zé)怪失敗,這將是我的行動(dòng)的結(jié)果,在他身上,出來(lái)當(dāng)和事佬。
一些對(duì)我相當(dāng)坦率的講:這是的方法來(lái)避免讓約翰遜的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)成為尼克松的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。但我認(rèn)為只有有義務(wù)超過(guò)年的政府,和下選舉。
我不得不把我的決定對(duì)下一代的影響,以及和平與自由的未來(lái)在美國(guó),在世界上。讓我們明白我們的問(wèn)題不在于一些美國(guó)人對(duì)和平和平和一些美國(guó)人。
問(wèn)題,問(wèn)題不在于約翰遜的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)變成了尼克松的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。
謝謝你們！
Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.
I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy.
The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and the battlefront in Vietnam?What choices do we have if we are to end the war?What are the prospects for peace? Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on Jan.
20th: The war had been going on for four years.
Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action.
The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule.
Five hundred forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number.
No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friend, as well as our enemies, abroad.In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged withdrawal of all American forces.
From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow.
After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office.
I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker.
Some put it to me quite bluntly: this was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election.
I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace.
The question at issue is not whether Johnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war.
Thank you!
晚上好,我的美國(guó)同胞們。
今晚我想跟你在一個(gè)主題的深切關(guān)注和所有美國(guó)人在世界各地的許多人,在越南戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。
我相信關(guān)于越南的深刻分歧的原因之一是,很多美國(guó)人喪失了信心在他們的政府告訴他們關(guān)于我們的政策。
美國(guó)人民不能也不應(yīng)該被要求支持政策涉及戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)與和平的覆蓋問(wèn)題,除非他們知道真相的政策。因此,今晚,我想回答的一些問(wèn)題,我知道在你們聽(tīng)我的思維。如何以及為什么美國(guó)卷入越南呢?這屆政府是如何改變了上屆政府的政策?談判中真正發(fā)生的事情在巴黎和在越南前線嗎?選擇做什么如果我們要結(jié)束戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)?和平的前景是什么?現(xiàn)在讓我開(kāi)始通過(guò)描述情況我發(fā)現(xiàn)當(dāng)我1月就職。
20:戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)已經(jīng)進(jìn)行了四年。
三萬(wàn)一千年美國(guó)人在行動(dòng)中喪生。
南越的培訓(xùn)項(xiàng)目是落后于預(yù)定計(jì)劃。
五百四萬(wàn)名美國(guó)人在越南不打算減少。
在談判沒(méi)有任何進(jìn)展了巴黎和美國(guó)沒(méi)有提出一個(gè)全面的和平建議。戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)造成了很深的分歧在家里和我們的許多朋友的批評(píng),以及我們的敵人,在國(guó)外。針對(duì)這種情況下,有一些人敦促撤出所有美國(guó)軍隊(duì)。
從政治的角度來(lái)看,這是一個(gè)受歡迎的和容易的課程。
畢竟,我們卷入戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)當(dāng)我的前任在辦公室。
我可以責(zé)怪失敗,這將是我的行動(dòng)的結(jié)果,在他身上,出來(lái)當(dāng)和事佬。
一些對(duì)我相當(dāng)坦率的講:這是的方法來(lái)避免讓約翰遜的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)成為尼克松的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。但我認(rèn)為只有有義務(wù)超過(guò)年的政府,和下選舉。
我不得不把我的決定對(duì)下一代的影響,以及和平與自由的未來(lái)在美國(guó),在世界上。讓我們明白我們的問(wèn)題不在于一些美國(guó)人對(duì)和平和平和一些美國(guó)人。
問(wèn)題,問(wèn)題不在于約翰遜的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)變成了尼克松的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。
謝謝你們！