英語資源頻道為大家整理的china daily 雙語新聞：美歐自由貿(mào)易談判意義重大，供大家學(xué)習(xí)參考:)
It may be almost as rare as an appearance of Halley’s Comet. But when the stars are this aligned for a trade deal between the US and the EU, leaders should seize the moment.
簡直就像哈雷彗星一樣罕見。然而，當(dāng)美國和歐盟之間有可能達(dá)成一項(xiàng)貿(mào)易協(xié)議的光芒閃現(xiàn)，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人們應(yīng)該抓住時(shí)機(jī)。
For the past year, officials have been working on a potential transatlantic trade round – a process that would encompass more than half the world’s economy. The daunting list of sensitive items that bedevils trade between the two blocs has delayed the report by a few weeks. But the signs are that it is almost ready. President Barack Obama should give a final push so that he can include it in his State of the Union speech later this month.
過去一年間，有關(guān)官員一直在研究啟動(dòng)跨大西洋貿(mào)易回合談判的可能性。這項(xiàng)談判將囊括的經(jīng)濟(jì)體，其產(chǎn)出將占全球的一半以上。美歐貿(mào)易關(guān)系涉及的諸多敏感事項(xiàng)導(dǎo)致相關(guān)報(bào)告晚出爐了幾周。但種種跡象顯示，展開談判的條件幾乎已萬事俱備。巴拉克·奧巴馬(Barack Obama)總統(tǒng)應(yīng)該最后吹一股東風(fēng)，這樣他就能在本月晚些時(shí)候的《國情咨文》演講里提到這場談判。
There would be two lasting benefits to such a project – and a health warning on the negotiations. First, it would enable Washington and Brussels to set the terms for the rest of the global economy. There are plenty of trip wires hindering the free flow of goods and services across the Atlantic. But both blocs are fundamentally committed to the rule of law and democratic capitalism. By embarking on a project that would aim eventually to integrate their two market economies, the US and the EU would have the chance to set the template for countries such as China that take a sharply different approach to property rights. The pay-off would also be geopolitical.
談判將產(chǎn)生兩點(diǎn)長久的好處——這算是對談判的一個(gè)“健康警告”。首先，華盛頓和布魯塞爾將可借此為全球其他經(jīng)濟(jì)體確定一個(gè)框架。大量絆索妨礙了大西洋兩岸商品和服務(wù)的自由流動(dòng)。不過美歐雙方都從根本上奉行法治和民主資本主義。通過發(fā)起以融合雙方市場經(jīng)濟(jì)為最終目標(biāo)的談判，美國和歐盟將有機(jī)會(huì)為中國等其他國家樹立一個(gè)模板——這些國家在產(chǎn)權(quán)問題上采取了截然不同的做法。談判還將在地緣政治領(lǐng)域產(chǎn)生有益影響。
Second, the project would revitalise US-EU relations at a time of slow – or non-existent – growth on both sides of the Atlantic. As a bonus, it would give UK Prime Minister David Cameron a selling point for Britain’s presence inside the EU and his G8 presidency. For Washington, it would restore symmetry to foreign policy at a time of the much-ballyhooed “pivot to Asia” – a rebalancing, incidentally, that is unlikely to result in a big transpacific trade breakthrough in the near future. The US and Europe share core interests. They need to be acted upon.
其次，在大西洋兩岸經(jīng)濟(jì)增長緩慢甚至停滯之際，貿(mào)易談判將有利于重振美歐關(guān)系。而且還有額外好處：這將使英國首相戴維·卡梅倫(David Cameron)為英國在歐盟內(nèi)的地位以及他擔(dān)任八國集團(tuán)(G8)主席一職贏得賣點(diǎn)。對于美國政府而言，在其大肆鼓吹“把重心轉(zhuǎn)向亞洲”戰(zhàn)略之際，此舉將使美國外交政策恢復(fù)對稱性——順便說一下，轉(zhuǎn)向亞洲的再平衡不大可能推動(dòng)跨太平洋貿(mào)易在近期內(nèi)出現(xiàn)重大突破。美國和歐洲擁有共同的核心利益。雙方必須為此采取行動(dòng)。
But it will also be important not to let ambition distort reality. The White House rightly says the process must be finished on “one tank of gas” – in contrast to the ill-fated Doha round on trade with the developing world that has taken a decade to die.
不過，重要的一點(diǎn)是，切勿讓野心扭曲現(xiàn)實(shí)。美國政府切實(shí)地指出，這一進(jìn)程必須“一鼓作氣”地完成，相比之下，與發(fā)展中國家之間展開的多哈(Doha)貿(mào)易談判命運(yùn)多舛，耗時(shí)10年之久，最后無果而終。
To meet the likely mid-2014 deadline, the talks must therefore set realistic outcomes. For example, regulatory harmonisation looks unachievable – far better to aim for mutual recognition. The terms of the talks matter: they should be presented as the first step in a dynamic process rather than as a conventional trade round. This project should be for keeps.
要在可能定在2014年年中的期限前完成談判，就必須考慮好幾種現(xiàn)實(shí)的結(jié)果。例如，各國監(jiān)管的協(xié)調(diào)一致看上去難以實(shí)現(xiàn)——那還不如以相互承認(rèn)為目標(biāo)。談判的條款很重要：條款應(yīng)該被當(dāng)做一個(gè)動(dòng)態(tài)過程中的第一步，而不是被當(dāng)做一輪常規(guī)貿(mào)易回合。這場談判應(yīng)該來真格的。
It may be almost as rare as an appearance of Halley’s Comet. But when the stars are this aligned for a trade deal between the US and the EU, leaders should seize the moment.
簡直就像哈雷彗星一樣罕見。然而，當(dāng)美國和歐盟之間有可能達(dá)成一項(xiàng)貿(mào)易協(xié)議的光芒閃現(xiàn)，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人們應(yīng)該抓住時(shí)機(jī)。
For the past year, officials have been working on a potential transatlantic trade round – a process that would encompass more than half the world’s economy. The daunting list of sensitive items that bedevils trade between the two blocs has delayed the report by a few weeks. But the signs are that it is almost ready. President Barack Obama should give a final push so that he can include it in his State of the Union speech later this month.
過去一年間，有關(guān)官員一直在研究啟動(dòng)跨大西洋貿(mào)易回合談判的可能性。這項(xiàng)談判將囊括的經(jīng)濟(jì)體，其產(chǎn)出將占全球的一半以上。美歐貿(mào)易關(guān)系涉及的諸多敏感事項(xiàng)導(dǎo)致相關(guān)報(bào)告晚出爐了幾周。但種種跡象顯示，展開談判的條件幾乎已萬事俱備。巴拉克·奧巴馬(Barack Obama)總統(tǒng)應(yīng)該最后吹一股東風(fēng)，這樣他就能在本月晚些時(shí)候的《國情咨文》演講里提到這場談判。
There would be two lasting benefits to such a project – and a health warning on the negotiations. First, it would enable Washington and Brussels to set the terms for the rest of the global economy. There are plenty of trip wires hindering the free flow of goods and services across the Atlantic. But both blocs are fundamentally committed to the rule of law and democratic capitalism. By embarking on a project that would aim eventually to integrate their two market economies, the US and the EU would have the chance to set the template for countries such as China that take a sharply different approach to property rights. The pay-off would also be geopolitical.
談判將產(chǎn)生兩點(diǎn)長久的好處——這算是對談判的一個(gè)“健康警告”。首先，華盛頓和布魯塞爾將可借此為全球其他經(jīng)濟(jì)體確定一個(gè)框架。大量絆索妨礙了大西洋兩岸商品和服務(wù)的自由流動(dòng)。不過美歐雙方都從根本上奉行法治和民主資本主義。通過發(fā)起以融合雙方市場經(jīng)濟(jì)為最終目標(biāo)的談判，美國和歐盟將有機(jī)會(huì)為中國等其他國家樹立一個(gè)模板——這些國家在產(chǎn)權(quán)問題上采取了截然不同的做法。談判還將在地緣政治領(lǐng)域產(chǎn)生有益影響。
Second, the project would revitalise US-EU relations at a time of slow – or non-existent – growth on both sides of the Atlantic. As a bonus, it would give UK Prime Minister David Cameron a selling point for Britain’s presence inside the EU and his G8 presidency. For Washington, it would restore symmetry to foreign policy at a time of the much-ballyhooed “pivot to Asia” – a rebalancing, incidentally, that is unlikely to result in a big transpacific trade breakthrough in the near future. The US and Europe share core interests. They need to be acted upon.
其次，在大西洋兩岸經(jīng)濟(jì)增長緩慢甚至停滯之際，貿(mào)易談判將有利于重振美歐關(guān)系。而且還有額外好處：這將使英國首相戴維·卡梅倫(David Cameron)為英國在歐盟內(nèi)的地位以及他擔(dān)任八國集團(tuán)(G8)主席一職贏得賣點(diǎn)。對于美國政府而言，在其大肆鼓吹“把重心轉(zhuǎn)向亞洲”戰(zhàn)略之際，此舉將使美國外交政策恢復(fù)對稱性——順便說一下，轉(zhuǎn)向亞洲的再平衡不大可能推動(dòng)跨太平洋貿(mào)易在近期內(nèi)出現(xiàn)重大突破。美國和歐洲擁有共同的核心利益。雙方必須為此采取行動(dòng)。
But it will also be important not to let ambition distort reality. The White House rightly says the process must be finished on “one tank of gas” – in contrast to the ill-fated Doha round on trade with the developing world that has taken a decade to die.
不過，重要的一點(diǎn)是，切勿讓野心扭曲現(xiàn)實(shí)。美國政府切實(shí)地指出，這一進(jìn)程必須“一鼓作氣”地完成，相比之下，與發(fā)展中國家之間展開的多哈(Doha)貿(mào)易談判命運(yùn)多舛，耗時(shí)10年之久，最后無果而終。
To meet the likely mid-2014 deadline, the talks must therefore set realistic outcomes. For example, regulatory harmonisation looks unachievable – far better to aim for mutual recognition. The terms of the talks matter: they should be presented as the first step in a dynamic process rather than as a conventional trade round. This project should be for keeps.
要在可能定在2014年年中的期限前完成談判，就必須考慮好幾種現(xiàn)實(shí)的結(jié)果。例如，各國監(jiān)管的協(xié)調(diào)一致看上去難以實(shí)現(xiàn)——那還不如以相互承認(rèn)為目標(biāo)。談判的條款很重要：條款應(yīng)該被當(dāng)做一個(gè)動(dòng)態(tài)過程中的第一步，而不是被當(dāng)做一輪常規(guī)貿(mào)易回合。這場談判應(yīng)該來真格的。